Earlier this month the Centre for SouthEast European Studies reported the following:
KFOR thwarts fake Serbian Army attack in Kosovo
BELGRADE, Serbia — KFOR has seized uniforms bearing emblems of the Serbian Army (VS), which were allegedly to be used by a paramilitary group to stage fake incidents in Kosovo and on the border with Macedonia, Serbian Army General Mladjen Cirkovic said on Saturday (November 3rd). He said that he had warned KFOR about the threat of paramilitary group attacks and that KFOR is pursuing the matter. “We give KFOR information, they check it. That’s how recently, following one of our tip-offs, a number of Serbian army uniforms were confiscated,” Cirkovic said, adding that the VS will not tolerate any provocations in the region. The VS also said they expect international forces led by NATO to protect Serbs and other non-Albanian civilians in Kosovo if violence breaks out during the ongoing status talks. KFOR representatives insist they will respond to any threat that might arise. (Source: SETimes)
This wouldn’t be the first time that Albanians attempted to impersonate Serbs while staging attacks.
At the same time, NATO is continuing to disarm Kosovo Serbs while threatening the Serbian government about “interfering” with Kosovo, so that non-Albanians in Kosovo will as usual be incapacitated from defending themselves when all hell breaks loose next month. From Balkan Insight:
NATO, UN to Get Tough in Kosovo
NATO and the UN police in Kosovo are reportedly planning to tighten their control over the predominantly-Serb north, if Kosovo declares its independence after talks on its future end next month.
The action would be aimed at preventing Serb-run areas from joining Serbia, in case Kosovo’s ethnic Albanian-dominated parliament proclaims independence, once the current phase of talks on the UN-administered territory’s status are concluded on December 10, an international diplomat told Balkan Insight on Monday.
The UN police and the NATO-led KFOR peacekeepers “are planning to take over Serb-run Kosovo police stations” in the ethnically-divided city of Mitrovica, the neighbouring municipality of Zvecan and the towns of Zubin Potok and Leposavic, the Belgrade-based diplomat said on condition of anonymity.
“KFOR will also gradually seal the border between Kosovo’s north and Serbia. After completing that action, KFOR will mount a series of raids aimed at discovering weapons caches in Serb communities and at arresting potential troublemakers,” the source said.
So this way Serbs and other non-Albanians will have nowhere to run, and will be forced to be at the mercy of the new Albanian state. Meanwhile, here’s whom KFOR will not be disarming and arresting, as per usual. No “troublemakers” here:
Kosovo: Appearance of paramilitary groups fazes province’s leaders
Kosovo political leaders on Thursday expressed a concern over the alleged appearance of paramilitary groups in Serbia’s breakaway province…Kosovo television late on Wednesday showed a masked armed group in black uniforms patrolling a highway and stopping automobiles.
A masked man told the television they were members of the Albanian National Army (ANA), which the United Nations administration in Kosovo (UNMIK) has classified a terrorist organisation.
Bertrand Boneau, a spokesman for the international forces in Kosovo (KFOR) said he knew nothing about paramilitary groups there, except what he saw on television. But he added that KFOR would deal decisively with any paramilitary groups in the province.
Shadowy ethnic Albanian group threatens to fight Serbia
An outlawed paramilitary group stoked tensions in Kosovo by threatening to fight Serbia amid international efforts to resolve the province’s political future. Footage aired by Kosovo’s public broadcaster on Wednesday showed a dozen armed men in black fatigues and ski masks brandishing emblems of the outlawed Albanian National Army.
Kosovo’s prime minister warned the group was going against the province’s U.N. supervised institutions and was tainting the province’s efforts of concluding the issue through internationally mediated talks.
“Kosovo has its own security structures,” Agim Ceku said. “The appearance of such individuals does not send a good message on Kosovo’s behalf.”
Not much is known about the clandestine group, which claims to be working to unify all Balkan territories inhabited by ethnic Albanians. It has claimed responsibility for several attacks in Macedonia, southern Serbia and Kosovo over several years, including the bombing of a bridge used by minority Serbs in northern Kosovo.
That would be the bridge bombing in which two of “Prime Minister” Agim Ceku’s Kosovo Police Service men were involved. Agim Ceku, of course, being the leader who at the moment is disavowing this armed, masked group. But back to the Balkan Insight report about “getting tough” in Kosovo:
Referring to the planned moves, the diplomat said that “through this action, KFOR will also send a message to Serbia’s leadership to stay out of meddling in Kosovo’s affairs.”
The diplomat added that “the Serbian military and police will get a clear message not even to think about moving forces closer to the Kosovo border.”
Meanwhile, an officer with KFOR confirmed to Balkan Insight that that peacekeepers were planning to carry out raids to discover weapons held illegally by members of the public, and that they will try to highlight those considered “troublemakers” in the north.
According to the diplomatic source, UNMIK and KFOR believe that “the pacification of northern Kosovo will also serve as a warning to Serbia not to try to flex its muscles” in its southern, predominantly-ethnic Albanian municipalities along the boundary with Macedonia and Kosovo.
So not only is Serbia to not “meddle” in its Kosovo province’s affairs — now it shouldn’t even flex its atrophied muscles in Serbia proper’s affairs, where Serb police have repeatedly discovered weapons caches and terrorist cells — and have been ambushed themselves. Soon Serbia won’t be “allowed” to meddle in Belgrade’s affairs either.
As for the disarming of Serbs amid a sea of heavily armed Albanians, here is a reminder of how KFOR rules apply to Kosovo’s second-class citizens, from Hiding Genocide in Kosovo:
As one source explains, the Serbs had very few guns to defend themselves with and those they had were kept in the house or some place nearby where they could be obtained quickly. At this stage Serb households expected an attack at any time. Thus, British KFOR searching houses for guns usually found them inside a Serb house. They almost never found them in Albanian houses because, not expecting to be attacked themselves, and usually being informed beforehand of searches by the Albanian interpreters [for KFOR], they could afford the luxury of hiding them more securely such as burying them in the garden.
…On numerous occasions, an “anonymous” Albanian would report that there were weapons in a specific Serbian house. Very soon afterwards, British KFOR would search that house and remove any offensive items, but later that night the Albanians would know the house was now “clean”, and the house could be torched, usually the same night…
Every Serb detained by KFOR in those days would end up in jail, often with no charges. A Serb man, who tried to defend his home against three armed Albanians, shot one of the attackers and was himself wounded on his doorstep. All four were put in custody, the Albanians being released the next day. The house was burned the same evening and the unlucky owner spent the next several years in Mitrovica prison without a court trial. In 2005 he was released without charges and left Kosovo. His house is now illegally occupied by the same Albanians who attacked him.
As for potential Serbian “troublemakers” in the north, Chris Deliso has a translation:
about 80,000 Albanians looking interestedly across the river at 10,000 Serbs… not good. Still, the latter could hold their own given that 1) they had weapons 2) NATO didn’t forcibly stop them.
Well not this time. NATO will ensure that the Serbs of Northern Mitrovica are as helpless as those in the rest of the province. In a March, 2000, piece titled “The Bridge Watchers”, former Rolling Stone and Wall St. Journal writer Charles Alverson, now based in Belgrade, introduces us to the “troublemakers” of Northern Mitrovica:
You hear the same thing over and over at the Dolce Vita cafe-bar on the northern (Serbian) side of the main bridge over the Ibar River. Srdjan, Drogoljub and Vlada will all tell you: ‘This is my job.’
Their job? Sitting in the Dolce Vita waiting for something to happen, waiting for the Ethnic Albanians to come across the Zapad (West) Bridge over the Ibar River to complete their avowed goal of ridding Mitrovica and Kosovo of Serbs. They’ve just about completed the process south of the river where there are perhaps only four Serbian families left in Mitrovica, all under very tight security from French KFOR soldiers. ‘That’s not going to happen here,’ says Dragoljub…
Srdjan, whose eyes are slightly manic behind round glasses, says that he can see his former apartment building from the Dolce Vita. ‘The Albanians came,’ he says, ‘hit my mother with an iron bar and took everything. Now, I am here.’
In the early days of the occupation, NATO admitted that they could not stop the Ethnic Albanians from killing Serbs or driving them from village after village, town after town, including Pristina, the capital of Kosovo. The Bridge Watch became Serbian Mitrovica’s first and last line of defense. Time after time, as KFOR (Kosovo Force) struggled to get a grip on the region, only the youths and men of the Serb rump of Mitrovica stood against total Albanisation of the city.
The other Sunday, a pleasant early spring afternoon was suddenly shattered when the Bridge Watchers saw three Albanian youths pass the KFOR sentries on Zapad Bridge, attain the north bank and begin taking photographs in front of the Dolce Vita. Orders were shouted into the Walkie Talkie, and twenty Serbian youths erupted from the Dolce Vita in hot pursuit of the Albanians who, taking fright, ran back on the bridge, past the French soldiers, to the south side.
The Serbs continued the pursuit, coming up against more KFOR soldiers brought up in reserve from the south side of the Ibar. Now, the Albanians were out of the equation. It was Serb versus KFOR, and things got heated. Within a very few minutes, there were as many as 150 Serbs confronting the young French soldiers of the Narbonnaise Regiment. Finally—according to a French public information officer—‘the situation began to look as if it might get out of control, and KFOR personnel fired many tear-gas grenades to restore order.’ …
According to Chief Superintendent Sven Larsen, UN police commander in Mitrovica, ‘The three Albanians had OSCE credentials, and an investigation is being conducted as to the legitimacy of those credentials and why they crossed the bridge.’
At the Fashion Club restaurant and pizzeria on the south side of the Ibar that night, where Albanian youths –and a few girls — flock the sidewalk with an excited buzz, Afrim, a dark-haired Ethnic Albanian teenager, says: ‘Today was only a test. There will be others, and eventually we will drive the Serbian bastards out of Kosovo entirely. Kosovo is Albanian.’
In Pristina, UNMIK officials are all too aware of the role of the Dolce Vita in the struggle to retain a significant Serbian presence in Kosovska Mitrovica and in Kosovo itself. Where elsewhere, Serbs huddle in tiny enclaves, their very existence guaranteed only by the might of KFOR, in Mitrovica the Serbs are ready and able to defend themselves.
‘We know them well,’ says the official, ‘and we may have to shut the Dolce Vita down if it becomes too much of a problem.’
Journalist and author Diana Johnstone in 2004 illuminated the situation:
[T]he victims of persecution and harassment, the children whose school buses are stoned, the old people who are beaten and whose houses are set on fire, the farmers who do not dare go out to cultivate their fields, the hundreds of thousands of refugees from “ethnic cleansing” … are Serbs. Or sometimes gypsies. Western media early on identified “the Serbs” as the enemies of “multi-ethnic society” and the perpetrators of “ethnic cleansing”. The curious result seems to be that the absence of Serbs is understood as the best guarantee of a multi-ethnic society. This, at any rate, is the logic of the attitude taken by the international community in regard to the Ibar valley region of Kosovo north of Mitrovica.
That area, which forms a sort of point reaching into central Serbia, is the largest remaining part of Kosovo where Serbs retain a traditional majority sufficient to defend themselves from Albanian intimidation. When, as happens from time to time, Albanian militants from the ethnically purified region south of the Ibar attempt to cross the river, they are stopped by Serb guards. In this situation, “international community” spokesmen almost invariably take the line that Serb extremists are standing in the way of “multi-ethnic” Kosovo. The fact is deliberately overlooked that, while a certain number of Albanians are still living in Serb-controlled northern Mitrovica, all Serbs and Rom[a] have been driven out of southern Mitrovica, and that if the Albanian activists were granted free access to the north, the probable result would be further ethnic cleansing of what remains of the Serb population.
Coming this December, courtesy of the free world.
Sudan has found the British teacher who allowed students to name a teddy bear ‘Muhammad’ guilty of insulting religion and inciting hatred against Islam, and has sentenced her to 15 days in jail and to deportation.
Upon hearing this news, people all over Sudan began naming teddy bears Muhammad.
While jurists in the free world mostly agreed with the Sudan verdict, they disagreed with the charges, saying that the teacher should have been convicted for insulting a teddy bear. They argued that naming a bed of nails or a guillotine ‘Muhammad’ is one thing, but warm and fuzzy objects such as teddy bears truly run contrary to Islam.
An article this past summer on Balkan Insight’s website titled “New Cathedral Symbolises Catholic Rebirth in Kosovo” attempted to demonstrate progress on religious pluralism in the independence-seeking province.
Josip Palokaj is leaving mass, rosary in hand, from the old Cathedral of the Virgin in Prizren, a city in southern Kosovo that for centuries has been the heartland of the Catholic faith in this mainly Muslim land.
He says he feels comfortable in Kosovo, though ethnic Albanian Catholics make up only five per cent of the roughly 2 million population.
“As a member of a Catholic congregation I never had a single problem in Muslim-dominated Kosovo,” he maintains.
Far from being marginalized — as is the story in so many mainly Muslim societies — in Kosovo the small Catholic minority has seen a resurgence in its fortunes as Kosovars of all faiths look to Europe to resolve their political destiny.
One sign of their new-found confidence is the construction of a cathedral in the capital, Pristina. It is to be named after Mother Teresa…
Here’s something else that’s named after Mother Teresa, from The Coming Balkan Caliphate:
[The charity] Al Waqf Al Islami had developed a banking network with the Western-funded Micro Enterprise Bank branch in Sarajevo, Fefad Bank in Albania, and Nova Ljubljanska Bank in Slovenia, “to launder money and link with the other Saudi organizations in those locations.” According to [former OSCE security chief Tom] Gambill, this and other [Saudi Joint Relief Committee]-affiliated charities liased with a local Albanian one, the Mother Teresa Society, which regularly sent lists of Albanian Muslim families prepared to become “stricter Muslims” in exchange for receiving $300-500 per month...”
But back to the article:
Kosovo Catholics are deeply aware of the problems concerning the province’s future status and are convinced that Kosovo’s chances of independence rest on support from the United States and other Western powers, including the Vatican…[Kosovo parliament Speaker and Catholic] Kole Berisha has visited the Holy See several times whilst Kosovo’s Catholic Bishop, Dode Gjergji, told Balkan Insight that the Vatican was “very influential in the province and not just among Catholics.” Most Catholics in Kosovo are just as supportive of independence as their Muslim compatriots.
“Kosovo should be an independent and democratic state. Serb efforts to thwart Kosovo’s independence are futile because it’s a foregone conclusion,” a prominent Catholic academic, Mark Krasniqi, told Balkan Insight.
This certainly wouldn’t be the first time in the Balkans that the Catholic Church formed an alliance with Islam against Orthodox Christians (e.g. Croatia-assisted Bosnian independence, which backfired on Croatians). Further, the rosy depiction that “most Catholics in Kosovo are just as supportive of independence as their Muslim compatriots” mischaracterizes the situation. As one reader wrote me: Albanians’ religion isn’t Islam; it’s Albanianism. In other words, Albanian supremacy supercedes all religion. Until it doesn’t. A reminder from Jim Jatras on this point:
Typically these begin as what are represented as “national liberation movements,” the desire of a group of people described in national or ethnic terms — Algerians, Afghanis, Kosovo Albanians, Pakistanis, Palestinians, Iraqis, etc. — to have their own independent national state. But at some point — either after achieving that goal…or in the process of the “national liberation” struggle…the movement shifts to a primarily Islamic jihad orientation, in which the national element is downplayed and the jihad element is emphasized. This transition coincides with the marginalization or elimination of the non-Muslim social elements (Christian Arabs, Albanian Catholics, etc.), some of whom may have been militant supporters of the first, national phase but who will have no future in the Islamic new order.
Indeed, does the name Edward Said ring a bell? Said, an icon of the jihadist Palestinian statehood movement, was a Christian. Which leads us to yet another congruence between Islam and Albanianism: Islam — whether it be in its “Albanianist” or “Palestinianist” incarnation — has always had its Christian proxies.
But back to the cosmetics:
…Since NATO drove Serbian forces from Kosovo in 1999, Catholics have increasingly emerged from the sidelines in Kosovo. A high school in Prizren was promptly named after Gjon Buzuku, a 16th century Catholic priest who wrote the first known printed book in Albanian, and a music school was named after Lorenz Antoni, a prominent 20th century composer and musician from Prizren.
For now, Kosovo’s Muslims and Catholics have sound relations — bound together by their joint struggle against the Serbs. Top Muslim politicians regularly visit Catholic churches for festive masses while their Catholic counterparts duly extend their congratulations on Muslim religious holidays.
About that binding struggle against the Serbs, there is also a binding struggle against the “Zionist enemy.” Here is what one Christian Palestinian, quoted by Mideast expert Daniel Pipes, had to say about that: When there is a Palestinian state, “the sacred union against the Zionist enemy will die. It will be time to settle accounts…It saddens me to say so, but Israeli laws protect us.”
Similarly, from The Coming Balkan Caliphate:
Despite the opportunism [Albanians] have shown in siding at various times with the Turks, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Mussolini, Hitler, and, most recently, NATO, the national narrative has it that hostile outside powers have always been to blame for the Kosovo Albanians’ chronic failure to achieve independence. Yet with the practical liquidation of the Serbs and the imminent replacement of the post-Yugoslav UNMIK regime with some sort of independence, Kosovo’s Albanians are for the first time being stripped of that external threat which has historically caused them to rally around their national identity. Without any threats, real or perceived, to their ethnic cohesion and nationhood, Kosovo Albanians will soon suffer two forms of internal conflict: one, the struggle for political and economic control between the various clans and mafia groups; and two, challenges for spiritual and social control from religous groups.
Back to the Balkan Insight article:
Some tensions appeared after the war. In its December 1999 report, the Organisation for Security and Cooperation, OSCE, said that following the withdrawal of Serbian troops from Kosovo, ethnic Albanian fighters of the Kosovo Liberation Army, KLA, were harassing Catholic Albanians over their alleged lack of commitment to the KLA cause.
The OSCE report said: “Catholic Albanians and evangelical groups have faced continued intimidation and harassment.” It went on: “A common feature of many attacks was the underlying intention to force minorities to leave and/or to ensure their silence through fear. This strategy was effective.”
According to a US State Department report for 2003, certain Catholic-populated areas within Kosovo had previously been “under suspicion of collaboration with the Serb regime,” adding: “Such suspicion was fuelled by the fact that Catholic Albanian villages suffered relatively little damage during the conflict.”
The Catholic Church in Kosovo condemned ethnically-motivated riots in 2004 when dozens of Serbian Orthodox Churches and other properties were damaged or destroyed. “I felt ashamed after what happened in 2004. We were under some pressure as well,” said a Kosovo Albanian Catholic who has since moved to neighbouring Montenegro.
Who has since moved to neighbouring Montenegro.
Meanwhile, note that this article is hailing a temporary situation, one consisting of the familiar M.O. of displaying good behavior and upkeep of appearances for the sake of the immediate goal.
But the situation has improved since and the 2006 International Religious Freedom report released by the US Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor said last year that Catholic institutions were no longer targets of incidents or attacks.
“We have very sound relations,” with the Islamic community, Bishop Gjergji told Balkan Insight.
Resul Rexhepi, advisor to the presidency of the Kosovo Islamic community, says that “ties between Kosovo’s Islamic Community and the Catholic Church are good… We have mutual respect.”
As a result, few Kosovo Albanians seriously object to the construction of the new cathedral in Pristina. Instead, they see it as a gesture of gratitude for everything the Catholic world has done for Kosovo in recent years, especially during the papacy of John Paul II.
While certainly the papacy has been, in classic form, instrumental in Serb-killing and cleansing, I wonder if the following Kosovo Catholics would agree with the above assessment. Here is a picture of how Albanian Catholicism works, from a chapter titled “The Croats of Letnica” in Hiding Genocide in Kosovo by a member of the international mission there:
The first to be killed in the area was a Croat man from the village of Shashevici; his name was Petar Tunic and he was 70 years old. A Catholic nun went with KFOR to look for him when he went missing. They found the corpse in the woods near his house. According to the nun every organ had been ripped out of his body and then he was shot…This event was enough to frighten most of the rest of the remaining Croats. [Village representative Froka Djokic] explained that the Croat community decided to leave after this killing believing that the Albanians did not want anybody who was not Albanian to stay. That one killing was seen as a warning and the continuing campaign of harassment has underlined the same message as far as the Croat community in the area is concerned. On 27 October 1999, two days before the “Day of the Dead” the Croatian government sent buses to rescue the remaining Croats and 400 left that day. More left later.
Most of the houses belonging to the 400 who left that day were later handed over to Albanians from Macedonia who were temporarily displaced by the war in Macedonia in 2001. This was presented by UNHCR as a humanitarian gesture. But, they are still there six years later although it is safe for them to return to Macedonia. The Croats who left Letnica on October 27, 1999, have never had the chance to return and even if they wished to return they could not in the present circumstances given that their houses have been occupied by Albanians from Macedonia with the official approval of a UN organisation. According to Froka, one French representative of UNHCR asked him why could the Macedonian Albanians not keep the occupied Croat houses. In reply, Froka asked her that if they were occupyng her house in France whether she would be happy to let them keep it. She did not reply. She did not seem to understand that the displaced Croats as the rightful owners of the properties should be allowed to return. This attitude by the international community towards the return of displaced Serbs, Roma and Croats is not uncommon.
The Catholic priest who replaced the Croat priest, Fr Gerge Crista, is an Albanian; he says Mass in Croatian every Sunday at 9 am but all other masses are in Albanian. The Albanian priest is seen by the Croats as unsympathetic; they say he gives no support to them. He never talks to them. After the earthquake some years ago, he visited all the Albanian villagers including the Muslims but none of the Croats. The Croats receive no support from him and he does not voice their needs.
No NGOs except the Serbian Red Cross assist this village; they bring stuff, food and non food items to Vrbovac and they share it out with the Croats in Letnica.
In 2005 in all the Croat villages there were 63 people left compared with 1999 when there were 570. In the early 1990s there were 6,000. All that remain are the old and sick. When returnees have visited Letnica they have been subjected to threats and intimidation.
The Macedonian Albanians have recently become increasingly belligerent, making insulting remarks to the Croat women in front of their men-folk in an apparent attempt to provoke some sort of incident. Certain women in the village have been threatened with rape. Froka, his Serbian son-in-law Milorad and the other Croat men express their shame that they cannot protect their female relatives and friends. Albanian Catholics do speak to the Croats in Letnica but Albanian Muslims, mainly from Macedonia never speak to the Croats except to swear at them and their women folk telling them they should not be here anymore.
The first written mention of the Catholics in this area is by Pope Benedict XII in 1303, mentioning Janjevo as the centre of the Catholic parish of Sveti Nikola. I once asked Dom Matteo, the Catholic priest of Janjevo, if having just celebrated the Croatian Catholic community’s 700th anniversary would they last another 700 years. His reply was simple and stark. He said that he doubted if there would be any Christians in Kosovo in seven years time, never mind Croats. The reference of course is to the increasing efforts to Islamize Albanians, especially Albanian Catholics.
Here is a glimpse into Janjevo in June, 1999, just after the NATO-KLA war against Yugoslavia and its Serbs, from the Croatian newspaper Vecernji List (via Tanjug news agency):
Albanians have, “for the first time in the decades long history under different rule”, taken off the building of the primary school the tablet with the name of the poet Vladimir Nazor. Reporters of the Zagreb newspaper quote the words of the Croats from Janjevo, who state that it had been a lot easier for them while “the Serbs were in power” in their town. No one bothered them, they could get food and cigarettes through Serb policemen and the Serb army and, when leaving, a Yugoslav Army unit left 350 kilograms of flour for the Croats at the local bakery…
To finish off is Chris Deliso, with a reality check for Balkan Insight as to what Kosovo independence will actually mean, based on developments in long-independent Albania:
Perhaps the most significant emerging trend in the case of Albania is the rise of internecine strife based on religious difference. Rallying a decade ago under the nationalist banner of “one nation, three religions,” the paramilitary KLA claimed support from Muslim, Catholic, and Orthodox Albanians during its war in Kosovo. Today, while most Albanians still do feel their ethnicity strongly, religious tensions have nevertheless been growing. In october 2003, police arrested author Kastriot Myftari, charging him with inciting religious hatred against Muslims for writing that Albanian Muslims should convert to Catholicism.
In the northern, Catholic majority city of Shkodra, which borders on Montenegro, mutual provocations between Catholics and Muslims are suddenly emerging. A cross was put up in the city, and then mysteriously vandalized in January 2006. And when civic leaders decided to honor national hero Mother Teresa with a statue, three Muslim groups — the Association of Islamic Intellectuals, the Albanian Muslim Forum, and the Association of Islmaic Charities — publicly protested. The [Albanian Muslim Forum], which allegedly supports interfaith relations, declared that a statue of one of the world’s most renowned humanitarian figures would be a “provocation” to Muslims, and that the religious situation in Shkodra was “not so calm.”
Deliso’s book presciently states that “the end of the national question in Kosovo is the beginning of the religious one, as new challenges to the social and clerical order arise from radical Islam.”
There’s more news on that chief mufti of “moderate” Bosnia, Mustafa Ceric, who last year was invited to a Birmingham synagogue for an “interfaith dialogue”. In mid-November Mickey at Serbianna reported:
President of the Saudi-funded Muslim World League (aka RABITA), Dr. Abdullah Abdulmohsin Al-Turki, is throwing a party in Mecca right now where [the] world’s leading Imams and Islamic intellectuals have gathered to discuss the coming [clash] of civilizations that, in all likelihood, they seek to instigate.
A noticeable presence at this conference is the Chief Bosnian Muslim Imam Mustafa Ceric. Mustafa Ceric recently dispatched another extremist Imam Sulejman Bugari to the US in order to radicalize the American Bosnian Muslim flock. Ceric also traveled to Washington before going to Saudi Arabia. [In] Washington, Ceric approved of the hired congressional help that will help push resolutions that seeks to place Bosnian Serb Christians under Islamic domination. [Mickey is referring to the push for “centralization” of government in Bosnia-Herzegovina as well as the recent movements towards the dissolution of the Serb Republic.]
In Ceric’s delegation to Saudi Arabia we also find another extremist Bosnian Muslim, Husein Zivalj, a man responsible for managing al-Qaeda money transfers that were pouring into Bosnian Muslim bank account in [a] Vienna bank in the 1990s. The al-Qaeda money was used to fund [the] Bosnian Muslim Army’s Jihad…against Christian Serbs in Bosnia.
Muslim World League is also known for such intellectual gems as referring to Jews and Christians as “apes and pigs”, respectively, and have called on the world’s Muslims to “put pressure” on both Serbs and Jews, a coded phrase which is an invitation to every pious Muslim to seek [out] and kill Jews and Serbs.
Some of the intellectuals sharing the panel with the Bosnian Muslim Chief Imam are Muslims who have written textbooks where “Christians and Jews are denounced as infidels and are presented as enemies of Islam and of Muslims,” and Jews are referred to as a “wicked nation”…
Meeting of Imams in Saudi Arabia, November 2007. Ew.
From left to right: Husein Zivalj, Mohammed Ali, Mustafa Ceric and Salim, 2007, Saudi Arabia.
U.S. asks Croatia to take any Kosovo refugees
A Croatian newspaper reports that the United States has asked Croatia to accommodate refugees and keep them out of NATO and European Union territory if a flare-up in Serbia’s breakaway Kosovo province provokes a mass exodus.
[Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense] Daniel P. Fata…asked if Zagreb was ready to “protect NATO’s borders” in the event of a refugee crisis. Croatia’s near neighbors Italy, Slovenia and Hungary are NATO and EU members. Croatia is expected to join NATO next year and the EU some time later.
Oh boy. This is the big test for Croatia. Will it obey the world-government it hopes to join? Will it protect the NATO state called “the Balkans”?
“The delegation gave a positive answer, saying Croatia already had experience with housing refugees,” the daily said…
Indeed. They can put the Serbs in trees like this guy ended up:
However it was not clear why Croatia, which has no border with Kosovo, would become involved. Croatia fought a four-year war of independence with Serbia in the 1990s and is an unlikely destination for fleeing Serbs or Serb refugee resettlement.
Especially since Serb-cleansing is still celebrated as a national holiday in Croatia. It’s where a fleeing Serb can go if he’s tired of fleeing and just wants to be killed, converted or expelled, as is Croatia’s tried-and-true method for dealing with excess Serbs.
As December, and Bush’s final year in office, approach, we’re looking at two simultaneous Munich-style giveaways, again: Israel and Kosovo.
Recall that heading into his final year in office, Bill Clinton launched a war against the Serbs on behalf of Albanians, to be able to say that his administration “did something.” Then, Clinton’s final year — 2000 — saw a desperate Clinton-Albright attempt to achieve a last-minute peace deal between the Israelis and Palestinians, with Albright announcing, “We’re going to have a deal no matter what. We’re working 20 hours a day now; we’ll work 24 hours if we have to.” That “peace” deal ended in the intifadah the Palestinians had been preparing for.
In poetically parallel timing, what Bill Clinton started in his second-to-last year in office is being completed by Bush in his own second-to-last year in office eight years later: the creation of a jihadist mafia drug-cartel state, otherwise known as an independent Kosovo. As well, in Clinton-Albright-style desperation, Bush and Condoleezza Rice have decided to just “do something” in the Middle East via the Annapolis conference this week, further paving the way for Israel’s demise.
What makes the Bush facsimile almost worse is that by now, we know that in both cases the ultimate beneficiary is al Qaeda, which pulls a lot of the strings behind both shows.
At the same time, a question emerges: Why are Albanian Muslims entitled to two states, while Jews aren’t entitled even to one?