Among the typically disturbing news items last week from the Balkans, where America doesn’t act like America, the following, expected confirmation came:

U.S. and EU are ready to recognize Kosovo independence

The United States and the European Union will recognize Kosovo if the Balkan province declares independence from Serbia in early December when last-ditch negotiations end, senior U.S. and European officials said Monday.

The officials spoke as the Serbs and Kosovo Albanians prepared to sit down this week at the United Nations for talks that diplomats have billed as part of a final effort to get agreement on the issue.

Notice how every time there is to be another round of negotiations for the two affected parties to try to come to some sort of compromise, the U.S. announces, “OK, but the final result is full independence.” Sort of sabotages any chance of good-faith negotiations. What incentive do Albanians have to “negotiate” and settle for less when Captain America is promising them complete and unconditional independence?

“The game plan is set,” said a senior European diplomat who requested anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue. “The talks end on Dec. 10. If there is no sense then that Serbia and Kosovo can agree on the province’s future, then Kosovo will make a unilateral declaration of independence. The U.S. will recognize that independence, and the Europeans, as far as they can remain united, will follow, too,” he said.

Back in June, one of my countless detractors wrote an anonymous letter to the editor of the American Thinker website responding to an article I wrote for the site, titled “Why do They Love Us?”. He wrote:

In pushing for Kosovo’s independence, the US is merely insisting that democracy and the rule of law take hold in that part of Europe, too. And Gorin is merely trying to manipulate the conservatives’ dislike of Clinton against a policy which is longstanding and bipartisan, a pure expression of Americanism.

Below are just a few examples of the “pure Americanism” that the new Kosovo was built on, starting with some from Hiding Genocide in Kosovo — which only begins to count the dead Albanian and Serbian bodies that serve as the foundation for today’s Kosovo:

On August 31, 2003 Miomir Savic was sitting outside one of the few small Serbian cafes left in Cernica with some friends discussing plans for the start of the new school year the next day. Albanian terrorists threw a hand grenade at the cafe and ran off. The explosive device detonated, almost immediately seriously injuring Miomir. He was losing a lot of blood from his legs. People tried to assist but when US KFOR arrived they refused to let anyone touch him. He lay there for more than two hours bleeding to death. Albanian health professionals came from the emergency services in Gnjilane town, one surgeon and three nurses. They actually pleaded with KFOR to be allowed to assist Miomir.

However, they were refused. Miomir lay there outside the cafe bleeding to death….After two and a half hours of lying there with both legs severely injured a helicopter arrived to bring him for medical assistance to Camp Bondsteel but by that stage it was too late…

[T]here was little or no fighting in the east of Kosovo and Novo Brdo had no problems during the conflict. It was only after the arrival of NATO troops with the UCK following soon after them that the attacks began in this part of Kosovo. When the UCK entered Novo Brdo their first port of call was the barracks of the Trepca mine complex which housed vulnerable Serbian refugees from Croatia. A group of local UCK arrived and they shot and killed a man called Mila Vukas, a refugee from Croatia, and disposed of his body, which has never been found…

The UCK followed up this attack with raids on the Serb villages scattered in and around Novo Brdo. In the village of Klokubar they killed a father and son from the same family, the Simic family. Their bodies were disposed of and have never been recovered. An Albanian father and son, the Bunjakus, (Agim and Bislim) were also killed, because they had friendly relations with their Serb neighbours before the war and their crime was to have worked in the police force before 1999. An old lady from Klokubar, Dragina Stankovic, was executed and her body was later found dumped in a well. A Serb farmer from Klokubar, Stanko Stojanovic, was beaten and hanged in front of his house, after having animal faeces stuffed into his mouth. Zivojin Peric, a man from Trnicevce village, was killed and his body was found dumped in a garbage container in Gnjilane. Sava Stojkovic of Labljane village was killed in an attack on the village, and out of panic and fear the villagers buried him in his lawn and not in the cemetery. Zivkon N. of Paralovo village was found hanged in front of his house. Aleksander Jovanovic was killed in Bostane village on June 21, 1999 while keeping guard near his house, and Blagonja Stankovic of Ljestar village was axed to death. Vojislav Timotijeic of Stara Kolonija was murdered while Zoran Anjelkovic of Nova Kolonija and Sasa Tasic of Boljevce village disappeared and their bodies have never been found.

In the village of Trnicevce the UCK killed a teenage boy and dumped his body in a garbage container. Several villagers in the village of Labljane were killed and the Serb residents of Nova Kolonija were terrorised to the extent that they all fled. Their apartments were immediately distributed by the PDK (the political party established by Hashim Thaci, UCK leader and very special friend of Madeleine Albright), to local loyal members of the UCK.

Next, we have a privileged preview of a few paragraphs from Andy Wilcoxson’s not yet published manuscript about who and what really started the Balkan wars in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo:

During the [Kosovo] war the London Times was the rare exception, reporting that: “Reports from Macedonia and Albania confirm that KLA ‘minders’ ensure that all refugees peddle the same line when speaking to Western journalists. KLA gangsters rob them of any remaining cash. And KLA pimps driving Mercedes kidnap refugee girls for prostitution in Italy.”

Chief war crimes prosecutor Carla del Ponte told the Kosovo-Albanian press, “You cannot imagine what kind of problems we are having in the investigations into KLA leaders in Kosovo. There is huge intimidation of witnesses in Kosovo, and now they do not want to cooperate with us. We are not receiving any assistance, either from the international community in Kosovo or from local authorities.”

Albanians considered “traitors” by the KLA have been murdered. One example is the case of Cerim Ismaili. He was the secretary of the Democratic Initiative of Kosovo, an ethnic Albanian political party allied with Slobodan Milosevic’s government. He was gunned down and killed in front of his family shortly after NATO troops occupied Kosovo.

The family members of Albanians who refuse to lie against the Serbs are also targets of KLA intimidation. The KLA kidnapped Saban Fazliu’s 16 year-old daughter after they learned that he was going to testify in Milosevic’s favor at The Hague Tribunal.

Fazliu was Milosevic’s second Albanian defense witness and his last. After news of the kidnapping spread, no more Albanian witnesses would agree to testify for the defense.

The coercion and intimidation of witnesses is worse in Kosovo than anywhere else in the former Yugoslavia. A confidential brief submitted by Hague prosecutors in the trial of KLA commander Ramush Haradinaj said, “The security situation for witnesses in Kosovo is fundamentally different from [the] situation faced by witnesses in other regions of the former Yugoslavia. UNMIK’s efforts to re-establish a functional judicial system has been beset by persistent problems associated with the intimidation of witnesses. In some of the most serious cases witnesses have been killed shortly after cooperating with local judicial authorities.”

The Kosovo-Albanian population is unable to speak freely. An Albanian speaking favorably about the Serbs or negatively about the KLA runs the risk of endangering his own life and the lives of his closest family members.

Ah, nothing more “American” than all that. To all the Albanians out there in the vast diaspora — who ARE free to speak against the thuggery and butchery being suffered by your fellow Albanians but who instead uniformly toe the line in order to get an independent Kosovo: Damn you to hell.

Meanwhile, readers might have heard about the recent case of the murdered Albanian police officer in Kosovo. Apparently, he too was a victim of the Kosovo that America built. Only now it’s finally started to make Albanians uneasy:

Kosovo’s Choice Between Justice and Organised Crime
Following the murder of a popular policeman, Kosovars can no longer plead ignorance about the extent to which mafia crime has penetrated the country.
By Krenar Gashi in Pristina

“Who watches your back now?” was the banner many people were carrying on September 4 next to a giant portrait of Triumf Riza, the police officer shot dead one week earlier, allegedly by a notorious gang. Thousands marched in Pristina’s streets on that day, taking part in a peaceful rally against organised crime in Kosovo.

Riza, an elite member of the Kosovo Police Service, KPS, was known for his commitment to the fight against crime. His colleagues say he was never reluctant to chase criminals, even when they were close to the authorities or politicians.

Riza was murdered by shots from an automatic weapon in a crowded district of Pristina in broad daylight. His murder clearly intended to terrify people: to set fear into their hearts and send a message that crime rules the no man’s land of Kosovo. Those few who dissent from this can expect to be killed in front of our eyes.

Yet notice that even in the case of Albanians such as this writer — who are capable of admitting that “crime rules the no man’s land of Kosovo” — it doesn’t prevent them from wanting to enshrine and expand this way of life via Kosovo statehood (a mere stepping stone to Kosovo attachment to other Albanian lands whether one believes it or not). Personally, the dysfunctional situation that this writer bemoans would give my ethnic supremacy a reality check — but that’s just me. Back to the commentary:

It only took hours for fellow officers to declare they had found the alleged murderer of their colleague. A young man, identified only as A.B., surrendered two days later, and admitted the crime. He may face a maximum penalty of 40 years in prison.

Riza’s colleagues, however, are not satisfied with A.B.’s arrest, and the investigation into the case continues.

In the close-knit society of Kosovo there is no feeling that justice is being done. There is an overall understanding that behind A.B. stands a notorious criminal gang, whose leader’s name cannot be uttered in public — only whispered among close groups of friends.

In the meantime, one can only wonder why Kosovars, eight years after they survived a vicious campaign of ethnic cleansing, seem equally afraid to pronounce or even write down the name of their most fearsome gangsters. What has happened in Kosovo that the situation has reached this point?

If I managed to buy into my own PR that the Serbs were seriously trying to ethnically cleanse my people, then I’d be confused too. But if one could de-program an Albanian, this writer would find the answer to his question in the simple fact that the Serbs were clearing out the selfsame fearsome gangsters, terrorists, guerillas, warlords, drug dealers and so on — indeed the guys who snagged Kosovo “for the people” with much the same brutality. And now Albanians wonder why their Kosovo works as it does. They are their own dupes.

Riza was by no means the only murder victims in Kosovo since 1999. Hundreds of murder cases lie unresolved in police files, begging the question of whether it takes the murder of a policeman for law enforcement in Kosovo to really act.

The police should think hard about why they have not arrested hundreds of other criminals in connection with this — and other — murders, when they were racketeering, bribing and stealing.

On [the] other hand, when the police prepare cases for trial, the courts often release the defendants. This apparent inability of the courts to convict the accused is, one fears, inspiring and encouraging criminals.

Glad someone noticed.

I can only conclude that the judiciary has failed to deal with many of the “you-know-whos” in Kosovo.

That was exactly the message coming from thousands of protesters who symbolically turned their backs on the Kosovo courthouse. It was an eloquent expression of the loss of their trust in the state of law, order and justice in Kosovo – for which ultimate responsibility remains with the UN administration. [Who were merely buckling to threats from the locals’ KLA heroes, of course.]

But now and for the first time in Kosovo’s recent history, people are raising their voices against this weak and impotent judiciary.

They are arguing that many people would still be alive if certain notorious criminals had been put behind bars.

As this case has developed, it is also deeply worrying to think that Kosovo’s society is able to produce young killers, ready to commit premeditated murder…The feeling of rage among the population is overwhelming. Nothing has succeeded in awakening a sense of civic consciousness among them more than this murder. [Absolutely nothing.]

This murder was a chance for Kosovars to decide whether or not they want organised crime to dominate their country…The criminals who have lorded it over us for so long must be named, and hunted down.

What fine resoluteness — after all the minorities have been hunted down or expelled and the locals who were OK with those crimes now find themselves in danger.

Meanwhile, it also may be relevant to cite the case of another Albanian, one who made the rare move of coming forward as a witness in the slaying of an activist in Albania. Sure enough, that’s the kind of Albanian we don’t make room for and are trying to deport:

Albanian who screamed himself off plane tries again for asylum
Knowledge of political killing means his death back home, lawyer says

Rrustem Neza, an Albanian refugee who four weeks ago screamed so loudly during a deportation attempt that pilots in Dallas refused to let him on board, is hoping immigration judges will give him a final chance to stay in the country.

Mr. Neza, 32, will face certain death because of what he knows about a 1998 political assassination in Albania…A front-page article in a newspaper of that nation’s capital last week featured Mr. Neza’s possible involuntary return.

“This means 100 percent that he will be executed,” said Rrustem Neza’s brother, Xhemal Neza, 34.

Xhemal Neza said he witnessed the assassination of the activist Azem Hajdari and shared details of the crime with his brother. The older brother, a volunteer with Mr. Hajdari’s democracy movement, successfully won asylum but had a different attorney.

Rrustem Neza has tried to win political asylum ever since he reached Miami International Airport on a Paris flight in January 2001. But he used a fake Italian passport to enter the U.S. — to avoid detection by Albanian officials, said his brother.

Mr. Gibson also argues in the new petition that Albanian police, working for the Socialist Party, pursued Rrustem Neza, his brother and his cousins [the cousins were killed] because of their knowledge about the murder. And he requests an emergency motion to stop the deportations of Rrustem Neza, his wife and their son.