December 21st 2007 01:58:30 AM
Last Thursday, a Christian-evangelical website called The Trumpet saved me a lot of trouble. Writer Brad Macdonald expertly outlined the Nazi roots of Europe’s U.S.-enabled policies in the Balkans, so I can skip the much shoddier job I was going to do in this direction.
There is an ongoing, lighthearted debate over whether we are in the midst of World War III, or World War IV (depending on how one views the Cold War). The fact is that we are in World War II:
On back-to-back days in December 1991, the New York Times published two separate articles highlighting Germany’s alarming and audacious decision to recognize and legitimize the efforts of Slovenia and Croatia to break away from Yugoslavia. Both articles (you can read them here and here) are refreshingly honest and hold little back in their analysis of Germany’s seminal role in the violent fragmentation of Yugoslavia.
In this article, Paul Lewis cites European diplomats who warned that Germany’s decision to support Croatia and Slovenia, despite opposition from virtually the rest of the world, “underscored Germany’s growing political power in the 12-nation European Community.” Germany’s incursion into the Balkans, wrote Lewis, “has worried many in Europe who see it as an attempt to re-exert traditional Germanic influences over this area of the Balkans” (emphasis mine throughout).
Lewis exhibited little reticence in exposing the German undercurrent gushing beneath what was unfolding in Yugoslavia, even when it meant connecting Germany’s decision to recognize Croatia and Slovenia in 1991, to its sordid history with these entities during World War II.
“Moreover, in its unusual assertiveness in moving ahead with a plan to extend diplomatic recognition to the breakaway Yugoslav republics of Croatia and Slovenia, Germany has stirred troubling historical associations….Nazi Germany dominated the two Yugoslav regions during World War II, absorbing Slovenia into the Third Reich and creating a puppet regime in Croatia.”
Then there’s this piece from the Times a month later: “Germany’s decision to press for quick recognition of the two republics, disregarding appeals from the United States and the United Nations, marked a new assertiveness that some Europeans find disconcerting” (Jan. 16, 1992).
In 1991-92, a mainstream news organ like the New York Times was not afraid to confront the reality that Germany was manipulating the Balkans in an effort to “re-exert traditional Germanic influences” over the region. A willingness to analyze the Balkans through the German prism was plainly evident.
How times have changed.
On Monday, the deadline for a mutual solution to the Kosovo dilemma expired, and Kosovar Albanians, led by former terrorist leader Hashim Thaci, said they would immediately start finalizing their declaration of independence from Serbia, which they will likely announce within the first two months of 2008.
The subject of Kosovo’s independence does not lack coverage. What it lacks is the kind of fresh, up-front, in-depth reporting practiced by the likes of the New York Times when it covered Yugoslavia’s dissolution in 1991-92. When Croatia, Slovenia and Bosnia broke away from Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, the Times didn’t hesitate to declare Germany’s pivotal and alarming role in the crises (though later, when the U.S. and British governments switched sides, so too did the Times).
Now Kosovo is about to erupt, and few people, certainly not the mainstream press, are talking about Germany’s fundamental role in this crisis!
Why not? It’s a blockbuster angle!
What’s happening in Kosovo is covered with German fingerprints. It was Germany (and the Vatican) that first legitimized the dissolution of the state formerly called Yugoslavia. The day Bonn threw its weight behind Croatia’s and Slovenia’s decision to break away in 1991, every republic in Yugoslavia that was thinking about breaking away, including Kosovo, learned that it could do so and have the support of Germany and the Vatican.
But Germany’s intimate relationship with Kosovo runs deeper than mere ideological support. The involvement in the province by Germany, one of Kosovo’s most important and long-standing supporters, has manifested itself in very practical — and dangerous — ways. The German government has been closely linked to the Kosovo Liberation Army (kla), a terrorist organization that during the early to mid-1990s was linked to the mafia in Kosovo and other Islamic terrorists in the region.
In 1996, the German foreign intelligence service (bnd), established a major outpost in the Albanian city of Tirana, where kla terrorists were trained to fight against Serbian authorities. According to Le Monde Diplomatique, “special forces in Berlin provided the operational training and supplied arms and transmission equipment from ex-East German Stasi stocks as well as black uniforms” (May 1999).
Here’s what Trumpet editor in chief Gerald Flurry wrote in July 2002: Kosovo’s “internationally unrecognized government-in-exile” had a prime minister who was based in Germany and operated freely with the blessing (perhaps even the direction) of the German government! So Germany recognized Kosovo’s government-in-exile when nobody else did. But the international community submissively followed Germany’s lead. The kla guerrillas didn’t just happen. They were essentially raised up and directly supported by Germany — the powerhouse of Europe.
Chris Deliso has more details on this in The Coming Balkan Caliphate:
The CIA and other Western intelligence services, especially the British and German, had long taken a keen interest in goings-on in Albania and Kosovo. Each had operations in Tirana and, through international organizations like the OSCE, a smaller presence in Kosovo. Germany hosted a significant Kosovar Albanian immigrant population and, in the city of Ulm, the nonrecognized Kosovo “government-in-exile” of Bujar Bukoshi, which raised funds to equip, train, and deploy the Kosovo Albanian rebels. Another fundraising group, Fatherland Calls, was based in Germany and active throughout Europe. Both raised substantial funds from drug money, as well as from an obligatory “war tax” from the wages of diaspora Albanians. In 1996, Germany’s BND established a major station in Tirana under new directory Hansjorg Geiger and another in Rome to select and train future KLA fighters…The Italian headquarters recruited Albanian immigrants passing through ports such as Brindisi and Trieste, while German military intelligence, the Militaramschirmdienst, and the KommandosSpecialkrafte Special Forces (KSK), offered military training and provisions to the KLA in the remote Mirdita Mountains of northern Albania controlled by the deposed president, Sali Berisha.
In 1996, BND Chief Geiger’s deputy, Rainer Kesselring, the son of the Nazi Luftwaffe general responsible for the bombing of Belgrade in 1941 that left 17,000 dead, oversaw KSK training of Albanian recruits at a Turkish military base near Izmir. This Aegean port city was also the headquarters of an Albanian expatriate separatist group set up by the Turkish intelligence service…as early as 1982, which in 1993 was reborn as the Kosovo People’s Movement (Levizja Popullore e Kosoves, or LPK). The LPK was a leftist group that created the KLA from its power centers in Germany and Switzerland.
Back to the Trumpet article:
How many analysts, when they consider Kosovo’s independence today, are factoring in Germany’s central role in the growth and expansion of the kla? How many wonder why Germany would be so interested in, and go to such great lengths to secure, Kosovo’s independence from Serbia? What’s in it for Germany?
These questions lie at the heart of analysis on Kosovo — but few are asking them!
The Trumpet has explained how, under the umbrella of the United States and nato, Germany and Europe have, since 1991, dramatically increased their influence in the Balkans. By employing a subtle diplomatic divide-and-conquer policy, Germany has precipitated the systematic and violent fracturing of Yugoslavia. It was Germany, through cunning use of exaggerated and inaccurate claims and emotive language, that in 1999 stirred nato, predominantly comprised of U.S. troops, to bomb Serbia.
In March 1999, German Defense Minister Rudolf Scharping said in a television interview on zdf that “genocide is starting” in Serbia. His alarmist vocabulary turned the collective Western mindset against Serbia. The Australian reported on April 1, 1999, “With thousands of refugees continuing to stream out of the war-torn province, German Defense Minister Rudolf Scharping claimed in Bonn last night that evidence had emerged of concentration camps being set up by Serb forces.”
“People watched television and saw the streams of Albanian refugees,” wrote Gerald Flurry at the time. “Then they totally blamed the Serbs. Most knew very little about Kosovo, yet spoke of ‘genocide’ — the deliberate and systematic destruction of a race. Then came talk about ‘concentration camps.’ Genocide and concentration camps — words introduced by the German defense minister” (The Rising Beast).
That’s a key point: We have Germany pointing an accusing finger at Serbian “concentration camps.” That the Balkan wars — in every case Serbia depicted as the aggressor — was payback for World War II is reaffirmed by Deliso:
Germany had deep attachments to the Balkans. Both Croatia and Muslim Bosnia had served as fascist puppet states for the Nazis, during the Second World War, and committed some of the worst atrocities of that conflict. The strong historical animosity that both Austria and Germany had for Serbia, the only regional rival that had ever stood up to their invasions, had by the early 1990s added a vicious element to an interventionist policy driven by economic interests and the resurgent German presence on the world stage following the demolition of the Berlin Wall.
The billions of dollars pouring in from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and other countries were either handed over directly to Bosnian officials or, more often, siphoned through a charity network that took root all over Europe, but especially in Germany, Austria, and Croatia. Vienna and Zagreb became the strategic centers of operations through which money, weapons, logistical support, and foreign mujahedin were funneled.
After the Bosnian war, the relationship between the mujahedin and their former Western enablers turned sour. The Clinton administration hastily reappraised its behavior in Bosnia and pressured the Izetbegovic government to deport the mujahedin. NATO peacekeeping troops from the Stabilizing Force delegation occasionally arrested small numbers of foreign jihadis or even killed them in firefights. However, the Clinton administration was planning for a second war to save yet another allegedly endangered Balkan Muslim population, this time the Albanians of Kosovo, and thus could not openly admit that it had already made a huge mistake in Bosnia — despite a reality of increasingly spectacular Islamic terrorist attacks against American interests globally, like the June 1996 Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi Arabia and the East African embassy bombings of August 1998.
Privately, officials from the U.S. intelligence community…expressed concern. In a classified deposition before the U.S. Congress, a senior CIA officer testified:
“There is no question that the policy of getting arms into Bosnia was of great assistance in allowing the Iranians to dig in and create good relations with the Bosnian government…And it is a thing we will live to regret becuase when they blow up some Americans, as they no doubt will before this…thing is over, it will be in part because the Iranians were able to have the time and contacts to establish themselves well in Bosnia.”
If the U.S. administration had been unaware of the full ramifications of their complacency during the seminal years of Islamic infiltration in Albania, they were certainly aware of it now, though the government would not regard terrorism as a vital national security issue until 9/11. They therefore pressed on with plans for a Kosovo intervention, one that was aggressively supported by all of the Islamic states, against a country, Yugoslavia, which had never threatened or invaded any NATO country and which had sided with the United States in two world wars. Incredibly, despite all the warning signs, the United States prepared to embark on yet another “humanitarian intervention” that would inevitably spread the radical Islamic cancer to yet another Balkan country, for the second time in less than a decade.
And now we’re about to enshrine it with statehood — and possibly attack the Serbs again to get it done. Back to The Trumpet:
Are Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic’s supposed atrocities against Albanians the real reason America and nato bombed Belgrade into submission? During the 1990s, actual genocides were occurring in Rwanda and Sierra Leone — not to mention the slaughter of Serbs by Croatians and the Kosovo Albanians themselves — and the Clinton government did little to intervene. Why was America prepared to bomb Serbia into submission, but not the evil forces killing hundreds of thousands of innocent victims in Rwanda or Sierra Leone? Because America was pressured into bombing Serbia! Germany and Europe convinced all of nato to fight for their Balkan cause!
From the very beginning, Germany and Europe have been determined to conquer the Balkans, be it by force or in a web of diplomatic maneuvers.
In 2003, EU Commission President Romano Prodi promised that all Balkan countries — if they danced to the EU’s tune of course — could “become members of the EU one day.” While they might not necessarily become members on the same day, and each would have to follow its own course, he said, nonetheless, “in the long run, [the] Balkans belong strictly to the EU” (EUobserver, Jan. 10, 2003).
Out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaks!
This is why Germany wanted Serbia, its historical enemy and counterweight in the region, destroyed by nato. Germany and Europe believe the Balkans belong “strictly to the EU.” Without the pesky Slobodan Milosevic around to interrupt their plans, Germany and Europe could more easily conquer the Balkans!
Any in-depth analysis of the events unfolding in Kosovo must account for this history.
The International Herald Tribune reported yesterday on a plan concocted by Slovenia (which will likely be holding the EU presidency when Kosovo declares its independence) by which the European Union will embrace Kosovo when it declares statehood. Europe is prepping itself for action in Kosovo.
The Tribune quoted one diplomat who said that if violence breaks out in Kosovo, Europe’s response must be “fast and decisive because the EU is showing it’s boss in its own courtyard. We want to show we don’t need Washington or Moscow to tell us what to do.”
Considering the history we just covered, against whom do you think Germany and Europe will take action?
On Monday, the Itar-Tass news agency reported that Wolfgang Ischinger, the German diplomat representing the EU in the group of three international mediators (Russia, the United States and the EU) at the talks that were held between Serbia and Kosovar Albanians, told Radio Berlin Brandenburg that the EU would soon be in agreement on the Kosovo issue.
Ischinger’s interpretation of what Kosovo’s independence will look like was intriguing. “It will be a state entity,” he said, “which will continue to be under broad international observation. The nato troops will continue to be deployed there. A further international presence of the UN and, consequently, of EU, will be ensured.”
Germany and Europe are making plans to cement their control of Kosovo via the UN and nato!
In 1991, both Germany and Europe as a whole were significantly weaker, less unified and less defined than they are today. Germany was a newly united, largely inward-focused state in the early stages of resurrecting itself as the leader of Europe and on the global scene. Europe was even more amorphous than it appears today.
But this seemingly innocuous appearance didn’t stop a major newspaper from ringing alarm bells when Germany boldly announced it would support Croatia and Slovenia in their quest for independence, a decision that many knew would set a dangerous precedent and likely cause Yugoslavia’s dissolution. At that time, even a mainstream news source analyzed the breakdown of Yugoslavia in the context of German ambition in the Balkans!
Today, we don’t see any such analysis in the news media. Germany and the EU are widely embraced as legitimate and influential global powers with a formidable economic, military and geopolitical imprint. Europe, with Germany at its vanguard, has become a respected and increasingly powerful geopolitical force motivated by lofty ambitions of becoming a united superpower.
Still, the mainstream media today refuse to analyze the Balkans in the context of what’s happening in Germany and Europe, and of Germany’s history with the region. This is the most dangerous and ominous angle of the story, and the most underreported one!
In time, this shameful ignorance will prove to be an expensive mistake.
A letter published last week in the Financial Times, from a William D. Myers in Madrid, illustrated this plan in action:
Sir, The “Kosovan flag” being brandished by a demonstrator in Pristina in the picture accompanying your report “Kosovo moves a step nearer independence” (December 11) is, in fact, an Albanian flag.
This is not a mere quibble. The independence of Kosovo would be a clear “step” toward the restoration of the “Greater Albania” which was sponsored by Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany and which terrorised and exterminated Serbs, gypsies and Jews under the same banner now being flourished in Kosovo and, disgracefully, applauded by Washington and London.