In a group email, author Bill Dorich wrote the following:

“I have spent the past two and a half decades defending the Serbian people and writing about the mockery the American media has made of “Freedom of the Press.” I am particularly grateful for people like Michael Averko, Peter Brock, John Peter Maher, Michael Pravica, Gregory Copley, Julia Gorin and others who risked personal harm and death threats to write the truth. I encourage [seeking] out my newest book, Memoirs of a Serbian-American Dissident that is available on the AppleStore and the iPad [for $1.99].”

Memoirs of a Serbian-American Dissident Table of Contents:

4 Who Are These “Despicable” Serbs?
11 State Shuns Heroic Ally
13 Truth About WWII MIAs Still Covered Up
15 “Lift & Strike,” Kirkpatrick’s Idea of Diplomacy
19 Gorazde, Another Muslim Lie
30 I Remember Mostar
43 The Truth about Gorazde
66 It’s Not Genocide, It’s Magic
82 A Response to The New Republic
101 The Plot Sickens!
105 A Letter to Baroness Thatcher
108 Dateline Yugoslavia: The Partisan Press by Peter Brock
117 Sarajevo… Bosnia’s Dodge City
120 Open Letter to Ambassador Warren Zimmerman
135 Open Letter to Elizabeth Dole, American Red Cross
141 Dehumanizing A Nation
144 Open Letter to Senator Dianne Feinstein
150 Father of the Homeland, Father of Hate
155 Open Letter to Kofi Annan, Under Secretary of UN
157 Open Letter to MacNeil-Lehrer News Hour
161 Georgie Anne Geyer, Washington Week in Review
169 Open Letter to Rep. Susan Molinari
176 People Must Not Be Pilloried
184 Socrates and the Balkans
188 Open Letter to President Ronald Reagan
196 Michael McAdams, Ustashi Apologist?
201 The Last Plane from Sarajevo
206 Pres. Wm. Clinton - The Faked O’Grady Rescue
212 Capt. Scott O’Grady, Another Cardboard Hero
213 Open Letter to Rep. David Obey
215 U.S. Mercenaries Firms Work for Croats
216 Phantom Cavalry
230 Fabricating Your Way to a Pulitzer
233 Behind Kosovo’s Facade
237 Open Letter to Condoleezza Rice, Stanford Provost
238 Open Letter to “60 Minutes”
240 Open Letter to The Pulitzer Commission
242 Ecocide: Nato’s Biological War on Serbia
247 McGrory Kisses up to Silajdzic
250 Hillary Celebrates Independence while Mocking It
258 Liar, Liar (Madeleine Albright)

And below are some salient paragraphs from a 2010 review by Spiked-Online of The Politics of Genocide by Edward S. Herman and David Peterson. Their subject of criticism extends to Western intervention in Sudan and Rwanda, which I’d always thought was the opposite of intervention. I know little about these conflicts but was under the impression that nothing was done about the real genocides there, while the easier battle — against Serbs for fictitious genocides — was used as deflection and overcompensation for the other two. Lumping the three in the same category would seem to diminish the truly evil interventions in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo, but we know that the anti-war left is nothing if not consistent. And even a broken clock is right twice a day. And so they’re right about the Balkans:

Playing the genocide card (Spiked-Online, Aug. 27, 2010, By Tara McCormack, lecturer in international politics at the University of Leicester)

…[W]hile a kind of ersatz anti-interventionism and criticism of government propaganda is now mainstream in relation to Iraq, critiquing Western powers’ meddling in other conflicts - such as those in the Former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Sudan - invites serious charges, including comparisons with Holocaust denial. These conflicts have become fixed moral signifiers in an age otherwise ridden with moral and political uncertainty. They have come to be understood as simple cases of good vs evil, conflagrations that have sprung up in previously harmonious societies, in which one side, driven by vicious ethnic hatred, attempts to exterminate their fellow citizens. To speak of political root causes or the impact of external intervention here will invite derision and fury - and in particular from those on the left.

In fact, one of the most striking aspects about the Western response to the conflicts in the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda in particular was the way in which large sections of the left abandoned some core left-wing positions on foreign policy. There was a religious-style conversion to the merits of Western intervention. Erased from memory was the recent history of the West in the developing world (and in the poorer states of Europe): the exploitation, the establishment of murderous ‘friendly’ regimes, the role of the West in creating instability and war. In the 1990s, many on the left claimed that in the post-Cold War era, Western states could be a ‘force for good’ in the world. Demands for ‘humanitarian intervention’ became common; such intervention symbolised for many a new progressive post-national politics. Conflicts were no longer interpreted through a political framework, but through a moral one of victims and aggressors, innocents and ‘genocidaires’.

“In this era of human rights and international criminal courts, not all ‘crimes against humanity’ are judged equally”

Certainly no one could accuse Edward Herman and David Peterson, authors of The Politics of Genocide, of being part of the new left that cheers on the humanitarian potential of Western guns and bombs. At times, their book reads like an old-school, left-wing polemic against Western intervention and the way in which the killing of millions by the West is widely ignored or accepted as a necessary evil.

The fundamental point of their book is that all killings are not treated as equal…[T]heir arguments about Rwanda, Yugoslavia and Darfur threaten some of the most cherished certainties of the post-Cold War left. They argue that the wars in Yugoslavia have been completely misrepresented by the West as a simple tale of evil nationalistic Serbs seeking to exterminate innocent Muslims. And much of what has been accepted as indisputable fact has turned out to be totally fabricated. For example, the death toll has been vastly inflated and Serbs have been wrongly accused of setting up ‘rape camps’.

It is a little-known fact that the biggest single act of ‘ethnic cleansing’ during the Yugoslav civil wars was conducted by Croatian forces (trained by American private military contractors and supported by NATO jets) in 1995, when Croatia expelled the Serbian population of the Krajina region. But Serbs had been so demonised by the Western media by then that little attention was paid to the event other than perhaps to say that they got what they deserved. This was not considered an act of ‘genocide’, nor was it brought up at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Yet the expulsion of 250,000 Serbs from Croatia was, in Herman and Peterson’s terminology, a ‘benign bloodbath’.

The same process of propaganda and misrepresentation occurred in Kosovo in 1999. At least this time there were some vocal critics in the UK against Western intervention and against the way in which the conflict was being presented. Figures in the British Labour Party, such as Tony Benn, Tam Dalyell and Alice Mahon, were very vocal in their arguments against the NATO bombing and against the demonisation of the Serbs. At the time Clare Short, self-professed anti-war heroine during the Iraq invasion, compared her critical colleagues to Nazi appeasers. […]