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At a time when disproportionate numbers of Muslim immigrants are raping their host societies’ women and girls, “Law & Order: Criminal Intent” decides it would be timely to re-broadcast an episode in which a Serb — having raped Muslim women in Bosnia — is now raping American women. This is the sort of thing I’ve described in the past as Hollywood’s/TV Land’s wishful thinking, which they try to turn into reality, at least on-screen: Unable to deal with reality as it is, they create an alternate reality in the movies and on TV. This is the whole point of retreating into the film business, where you can sculpt the world as you think it should be. As I wrote in 2003:

Hollywood, D.C. It’s a place where the Clinton presidency lives on in the personage of Martin Sheen, and where JFK is always a hero. It’s where problems really can be fixed by throwing money at them, and where the rest of the world wants peace too. It’s where death row inmates have been framed and pedophiles are victims under Megan’s Law. It’s where raising taxes improves an economy and where unlimited social programs still leave the budget balanced. In short, it’s where liberal policies work, because what sounds good on paper and works in theory also works in the movies.

When one lives in a world of make-believe, nothing has to make any sense, and that’s why it’s called La-La Land. With that in mind, sharp viewers seeing programs and movies irrelevantly still trying to demonize Serbs may be able to discern the real message: if this is what TV is showing us, it probably means that in the real world, the opposite is true and this is just wishful thinking: the writers wish they lived in a world where what they had to worry about were Serbs.

Vaguely related is a point I meant to make as an epilogue to the never-to-be-heard-of-again case of Sulejman Talovic, the Salt Lake City Bosnian jihadist whose crime was likewise blamed on Serbs. In addition to the Serb-blaming, there is a smaller but developing pattern of gun-blaming when Muslims kill. At the hero’s funeral for Talovic, his father Suljo “said he would not make excuses for his son, but did not understand how a teenager could buy a gun in the United States.”:

“The authorities are guilty for not alerting us that he bought a gun. In the U.S., you cannot buy cigarettes if you are underaged, but you can buy a gun,” he said.

The father’s transparent gun-control spin is the same route that Brooklyn-based Albanian arms smuggler Florin Krasniqi took when he realized he could get in trouble for what he revealed in the 2005 Dutch documentary “The Brooklyn Connection,” which showed him illegally shipping legally purchased hunting and assault rifles ($15 million-worth) to help arm the Kosovo Liberation Army against NATO, UN and Serbia in the event the province doesn’t get independence. With the goal of deflecting from his activities, Krasniqi went on “60 Minutes” expressing his altruistic concern over how easy it is to acquire weapons in the U.S.

So if your kid or you are a terrorist, keep the focus on gun control, and pass yourself off as someone with progressive values. That way, you can straddle the 21st century and the 7th century at the same time. Indeed, why did the senior Talovic stop at gun-control? He could have used the Salt Lake City massacre as a basis to promote abortion rights and gay marriage too:

My son never would have done something like this if it weren’t for the easy availability of guns in America. In fact, if the world didn’t have such a complex over abortion, then perhaps my wife and I would never have birthed such a problem kid. In fact, if gay marriage were legal everywhere, I may have just married a man, and the subject of children would have been closed from the beginning…

Thus ended the summer of 2007, with a major headline relegated to the local presses of a city where a killer deliberately targeted Americans with a Valentine reading “From the Balkans, with Thanks”:

Motive Still a Mystery as Police Finish Talovic Probe:

Salt Lake City police have finished their exhaustive investigation into the shooting rampage at Trolley Square, finding no real motive for 18-year-old Sulejman Talovic’s killing spree.

“I think it may have died with him,” Salt Lake City Police Chief Chris Burbank said in an interview Sunday with the Deseret Morning News.

If this is how investigations of jihad-motivated attacks will be run in America, Sulejman Talovic will be taking a lot more than his motive to the grave.

It’s what you might call the Kosovizing of our police work, and it’s the new paradigm. In Kosovo, ethnically or religiously motivated violence against members of the host society is attributed to “unknown motives”. According to Chris Deliso’s The Coming Balkan Caliphate, it’s also where:

Senior UNMIK officials have ordered the destruction of files that indicate higher-than-reported numbers of attacks against minorities. They also systematically fired or relocated employees who speak out or contradict the official line.

Which brings us back to Salt Lake City. Recall whom the line about the motive dying with the shooter is coming from: Salt Lake City Police Chief Chris Burbank. This is the “detective” who, when many people listening to audio from footage of the massacre heard the words “Allah Akbar”, called this conclusion hate speech, adding that it was an attitude he wouldn’t allow into the investigation. “[I]f I find officers that are conducting investigations based on bias or prejudice [i.e. evidence], well, I’m going to fire them; I don’t want them around.”

In other words, the police chief began the investigation from a confined premise, a predetermined conclusion that the answer wasn’t going to be jihad. Little wonder that we’re left without a motive.

The Trolley Square investigation has its parallel in Bosnia itself, where the working premise is the same: Bosnians can’t be terrorists, and there is no terrorism or terrorists in Bosnia. That is the official position of Bosnia, the U.S. and EU.

The way investigations are handled in the Balkans may have infected the Trolley Square investigation early on, because there was a corrupting influence at work. That was the influence of terror-tied Bosnian Ambassador to the U.S. Bisera Turkovic, who had met with Salt Lake City Mayor Rocky Anderson and police chief Burbank:

Ambassador Bisera Turkovic appeared at a Bosnian-American restaurant where Mayor Rocky Anderson and the police chief assured Bosnian immigrants that authorities would not stand for any threats against them. “They can’t believe that somebody of Bosnian origin can do something like this,” Turkovic said.

In 2005, Congressman Trent Franks (R-AZ), one of perhaps six American lawmakers to have done his homework on the Balkans, objected to Turkovic’s appointment to the U.S. ambassadorship but was summarily ignored by the State Dept. In his statement to the House, he said:

Mr. Speaker, President Bush has repeatedly and strongly stated that in this fight against terrorism, that you are “either with us or you are against us.” Yet, I am beginning to wonder if our own State Department is with us.

Bisera Turkovic is one of the founders of the radical Islamist Muslim SDA Party in Bosnia, a party that has had, since its foundation, strong links with al Qaeda, numerous other terrorist organizations, and even the intelligence mechanisms of Iran.

In 1939, Bisera Turkovic’s father [and] Alija Izetbegovic, started a group called the Young Muslims. After World War II, they were prosecuted as Nazi war criminals and spent time in prison together. Over the years, Dr. Turkovic was promoted by Izetbegovic and then founded the SDA Party in 1990.

Alija Izetbegovic was a close confidante of Iran’s Ayatollah Khomeini. And when he became President Izetbegovic, he recirculated his 1970 Islamic Declaration and openly espoused his view that “there can be no peace or coexistence between Islamic faith and non-Islamic faith.”

Mr. Speaker, soon after the beginning of the Bosnian civil war in 1992, Dr. Turkovic was accredited as Bosnian ambassador to Zagreb. It was this post, coordinating with others, that was constantly used by the SDA and their leadership to provide Bosnian passports, visas, humanitarian worker status, and logistical support to radical Islamist mujahideen coming into Bosnia to fight their own jihad there. Individuals such as Anwar Sha’ban…and even Osama bin Laden himself entered Bosnia through Zagreb.

In violation of a U.S. embargo, the SDA also organized a massive flow of weapons from Iran through Croatia during Bisera Turkovic’s time as ambassador.

Mr. Speaker, these actions on the part of our State Department are a disservice to our President, they are a disgrace to the United States of America, and they are a betrayal to the cause of human freedom. It is past time that the State Department start acting like it represents the interests of America and the citizens of this Nation. The people of this Nation deserve better than to be served by a State Department that aids our enemies and then lies to cover its actions.

Even though members of her party exported “rocket systems to Iraqi insurgents, where they have been used against US and Coalition troops,” according to Defense & Foreign Affairs, and though she helped get “fighters and arms into Bosnia to wage the civil war which Alija Izetbegovic provoked to both get B-H out of the Yugoslav Federation, and then to rid the country of its Serbian and Croatian populations,” Turkovic continues to play the Bosniak-as-victim charade. A Washington Times article last year, revoltingly titled “Never Again, Again”, read:

Mrs. Turkovic told our correspondent Katie Stuhldreher that the annual commemoration of the massacre at Srebrenica takes an “overwhelming” emotional toll on the survivors and the relatives of the 8,000 men and boys killed by Serbian forces on July 11, 1995, during the Bosnian war in former Yugoslavia.

“What hurts the most is that the international community allowed such unbelievable atrocities to happen on its watch and that after the war Srebrenica was not given a special status,” Mrs. Turkovic said.

“Srebrenica is the personification of humans’ inhumanity…” The ambassador said that 11 years later, many Bosnians remain embittered when they recall that the civilized world declared after the Holocaust that it never again would allow such mass killings.

In cultivating victim status for Bosnian Muslims over the years, Utah’s new friend Dr. Turkovic’s methods have been varied. Ibran Mustafic, a disillusioned founder of the SDA in Srebrenica, told the Bosnian newspaper Slobodna Bosna in 1993 that the betrayal of Srebrenica “was consciously prepared and that the Bosnian president and the army command were involved in this business…” This business being the sacrifice of Srebrenica in order to gain sympathy from the West.

In the wake of the Utah shootings, her victim-mongering included using the inflated outdated statistic of Bosnian war dead:

Bosnians who resettled in the United States fled religious and ethnic persecution, she said, so they have a keen sense of compassion for the suffering in Utah. “We know what it’s like to lose 200,000 people,” the ambassador said.

Little wonder that Utahns got confused between villain and victims, and took up a collection for the killer’s funeral and his family’s flight to Bosnia for his Islamic hero’s funeral. This unprecedented treatment of a mass murderer didn’t go unnoticed:

“I am amazed that the media is so obsessed with portraying Talovic as some dreamy, visionary Muslim kid and no one pays attention to the dead he left behind,” says Olivia Hill, an American from Texas.

“Salt Lake Tribune talks about his favorite color, favorite food, how he loved outdoors, fishing… and not a word on the dead and the pain these families are suffering and frankly, I am offended by this glorification of a killer… is it because he is a Muslim?” asks Hill.

As Nebojsa Malic quipped at the time, “If Talovic was a jihadist terrorist (and he was), would[n’t] that make those Americans who collected $6,000 to pay for his jihadist funeral” foolish funders of terrorism’s expenses?

Just as, three months after the Trolley Square massacre, the terrorist Albanian leaders of the Kosovo terror state-in-progress would express “shock” that Albanians were planning terrorist attacks against Ft. Dix, Turkovic said that her terrorism-won country “was shocked that a Bosnian-born teenager killed five people in a country that has granted ‘our freedom, our prosperity…Bosnians came here to find refuge, to find safety’ from the Bosnian civil war in the 1990s, Ms. Turkovic said, tears welling in her eyes.”

Kind of like that “safe haven” they found in Srebrenica, from which they staged attacks on surrounding non-Muslim villages.

“We owe this country much for our freedom, for our prosperity and for building a normal Bosnia,” she continued, a “normal Bosnia” being one in which the Muslim entity is the heavy, and which works toward the disintegration of its two non-Muslim entities. Meanwhile, Bosnian-Americans’ supposed feelings of indebtedness to America doesn’t deter them from suing the country for not moving fast enough on their citizenship status, even after one of theirs had just given immigration officials credible pause. Only one month after Talovic shot nine Americans in Utah, Bosnians in St. Louis were suing the U.S. government over citizenship delays.

Thirty-five Bosnian war refugees have filed a lawsuit claiming the U.S. government is unlawfully delaying their applications to become United States citizens.

The Bosnians, who came to the U.S. legally to escape persecution [ha!] in the former Yugoslavia, have disabilities that range from post-traumatic stress disorder related to the war [so we can expect more massacres, since that was the motivation cited for Talovic’s rampage] to various medical conditions, such as a stroke, their lawyers said Tuesday.

50 Bosnian war refugees filed suit last year over the same issue. Federal officials did not fight that lawsuit, and a special ceremony to naturalize them was held last year. That successful lawsuit helped to prompt the latest court action.

Their efforts were again successful: Bosnians become U.S. citizens after suing the government for the right.

Between suing the government and sewing an AIDS-style memorial quilt for themselves to be submitted to the U.S. Holocaust Museum, Bosniaks’ victim-mongering knows no bounds, as PipelineNews.org commented in the wake of the Talovic rampage:

Quick to exploit the opportunity, organizations like the Utah Consortium of Minority Groups [UCMG] took advantage of the unexpected media attention to demand more social welfare spending while asking “forgiveness” from the families of the victims in the same breath.

The [Utah Consortium of Minority Groups]’s take on this horrific crime is essentially the same as that of the SLC Mayor’s Office, that people are not responsible for what they do, that the obvious (the Bosnian community’s intimate familiarity with the Balkan jihad) has no relevance to the matter and that the community from which sprung the killer was indeed the victim of the crime not its potential accomplice.

As Ljubica ‘Buba’ Roth, a Balkan refugee [unclear if Muslim or not but speaking on behalf of the majority Muslim refugees] and the leader of the UCMG stated “We came to Utah to be Americans, instead we’re isolated and afraid.” In 2005 she made the preposterous claim that “many refugees are living in conditions worse then that of refugee camps in their homelands and it’s time to do something about it.”

Such attitudes prompt the obvious question of what native born citizens of Utah are supposed to feel when they and their children are being massacred in the streets by ungrateful refugees who are on the public dole.

This toxic mixture of resentment, entitlement, and crass ingratitude on the part of the Bosnian immigrants brings with it the troubling specter of increased social unrest prompted by an “us verses them” mentality… This may partially explain why Utah’s Governor Jon Huntsman, Salt Lake City Mayor Rocky Anderson and the chief of police have been so feverishly portraying the immigrant’s as the real victims of the shopping mall slaughter.

As part of the perpetual victim-mongering on behalf of Bosnians, and to strip the killer of culpability, the Deseret News’ report that the investigation was completed included this continual reminder:

Talovic spent part of his childhood in war-ravaged Bosnia, hiding in the mountains and moving from village [to village], trying to hide from Serb forces that were killing Bosnian Muslims.

The question is, how many more Bosnian and/or Albanian attacks against Americans, successful or thwarted, will it take before people realize that the Serbs aren’t the problem? Is there a limit to how much mileage we can get out of Serbs as villains? It remains to be seen — sadly so, as the experiment leading to that answer will cost more American lives.

Here’s just a footnote on Utah’s general Muslim scene, from Pipelinenews.org again:

The Mayor’s dhimmitude towards the Muslim community and misplaced deference to their sensibilities is hardly new. He has been a participant in and initiator of programs involving the Muslim Forum of Utah [MFU].

The MFU also co-sponsors a Salt Lake American Muslim Cultural Festival each year, SLAM [really] which receives governmental funding.

The festival is clearly a da’wa [conversion] exercise promoted under the guise of “Multi-cultural Diversity, Inclusion, Tolerance & Mutual Respect,” it’s twin goals are to spread the Muslim religion while positioning the Islamic community so as to be better able to exploit state and government benefit programs to aid those da’wa efforts.

In 2006 the MFU hosted a State Department delegation of Saudi educational ministers on a visit to the United States. They were so enthusiastic about the organization’s conversion potential that they pledged support. According to the MFU account of their meeting:

“In the words of the Saudi Ministers ‘The little circle joining the big circle’…The Saudi Ministers left with the assurance they would support us and that God willing we would be successful in our work….”

In 2005 [Governor Jon Huntsman] visited a mosque with his wife and daughters who obediently donned head scarves and went to the woman’s section. The [governor] knelt with the men and unwittingly articulated their ultimate ambition in his message:

“As governor, it’s an honor to be with all of you…I consider you friends and important contributors to the state of Utah. We share a common destiny — peace, happiness and tranquility.” It is so important for Utah’s more than 25,000 Muslims to train their children in the faith so they can share it with others who know nothing about Islam.”

Last night the FBI arrested six Muslims who were planning a commando-style attack on Fort Dix in New Jersey, to “kill as many soldiers as possible,” authorities said.

Four of the six men are Albanians, a fact that Fox News — which apparently thinks that “Yugoslavia” and “Albanians” are the same, and isn’t sure what those two things might have to do with “the Balkans” — reported thus:

The Associated Press reported that those captured were nationals of the former Yugoslavia, but the law enforcement source told FOX News that not all of them are of Albanian ethnicity. Federal sources also said the group is from the “Balkans.”

The only clue we get from other news sources that the four “Yugoslavs” are Albanian, and from Kosovo, is in sentences like these, which appeared in an earlier version of an AP report:

In 1999, [Fort Dix] sheltered more than 4,000 ethnic Albanian refugees during the NATO bombing campaign against Yugoslavia…After that war, refugees were allowed to return to the U.N.-run province of Kosovo in Serbia or to seek permanent residency in the United States.

Pat ourselves on the back for resettling those “rescuees” here. Terrorism aside, the Albanian mafia has already overtaken both the Russian and Italian ones. There was also that Kosovo Albanian whose al-Qaeda application was discovered in Afghanistan, to name just one of many such characters.

It’s called Balkan blowback, and it’s been happening since we stuck our nose where it didn’t belong throughout the 1990s and, for good measure, bombed the wrong side. Maybe one day we’ll finally start talking about it? This morning, Balkan experts Jim Jatras, director of the American Council for Kosovo, and Dr. Serge Trifkovic alerted all major on-air media of their availability to discuss this development and were told, “We have our usual terror experts.”

Those would be the same terror experts who, in their daily opining on the War on Terror, haven’t touched the Balkans — a key region in the war on terror, as it was the site of al-Qaeda’s proliferation into a truly global network and now serves as the organization’s European base and entryway for attacks on that continent and others. (Note to Fox News: “Balkans” includes Kosovo, Bosnia, Albania and others.)

So we’re in for yet another round of terror “experts” painting terrorism in and from the Balkans as some unique thing, suspended in a vacuum of context, lest Americans start piecing things together and surmising that perhaps what happened to the Serbs is in some way related to what’s happening everywhere else on the globe.

Just so no one has to look too far, here’s an excerpt from a New York Times article that was written before we decided that, in the Balkans, the terrorists are the good guys:

A young Army conscript of ethnic Albanian origin shot up his barracks, killing four sleeping Slavic bunkmates and wounding six others.

The army says it has uncovered hundreds of subversive ethnic Albanian cells in its ranks. Some arsenals have been raided.

But watch the Fort Dix story go away faster than the one about the Bosnian Muslim who for Valentine’s Day three months ago killed five Americans and injured another four in Salt Lake City. Heck, who even knows that at least two of the 9/11 hijackers were veterans of the Bosnian jihad, as Muslims now openly call it?

Reports NBC:

The alleged terror cell is described by investigators as disciples of Osama Bin Laden. Among the evidence seized was the downloaded will and testament of two Sept. 11 hijackers…On the videotape there is significant discussion of martyrdom.

As I always say, Damn those Serbs! Good thing we were busy deporting those and not these ones who are trying to kill us — such as the killer Bosnian Sulejman Talovic in Salt Lake City or, for example, Agron Abdullahu (one of the six arrested yesterday), who was a sniper in Kosovo and residing here legally. Speaking of Serbs, one wonders how soon the arrested parties will think of pinning this one on the Serbs the way the Salt Lake Tribune and Deseret Morning News managed to do in reporting on Talovic (eventually coaxing his family to follow suit).

But those Balkan people were supposed to be only nominal Muslims! Secular, we were told. Europeans, they said. Non-practicing, I heard! They may have been such under Communism, but soon enough they found themselves. That we threw our support behind the region’s radicals, with whom the “nominal” Muslims also cast their secessionist lot — in Bosnia as well as in Kosovo — didn’t help either. And, of course, you don’t have to be a practicing Muslim to feel that universal Muslim sense of grievance against the non-Muslim world.

From an AP report:

Asked if those arrested had any ties to al-Qaida, Snow referred questions to the FBI and the U.S. attorney, but said those officials “seem to indicate that there is no direct evidence of a foreign terrorist tie.”

As we know, Sudden Jihad Syndrome doesn’t require any foreign terrorist ties. But since it’s being brought up, let’s not forget that the Albanians of Kosovo received material assistance from Osama bin Laden during the “liberation” leg of the movement, which we were simultaneously helping them with. Here’s how these things work, by the way — explanation courtesy of Jim Jatras:

Typically these begin as what are represented as “national liberation movements,” the desire of a group of people described in national or ethnic terms — Algerians, Afghanis, Kosovo Albanians, Pakistanis, Palestinians, Iraqis, etc. — to have their own independent national state. But at some point — either after achieving that goal (Afghanistan, Pakistan) or in the process of the “national liberation” struggle (”Palestine,” “KosovA,” Iraq) — the movement shifts to a primarily Islamic jihad orientation, in which the national element is downplayed and the jihad element is emphasized. This transition coincides with the marginalization or elimination of the non-Muslim social elements (Christian Arabs, Albanian Catholics, etc.), some of whom may have been militant supporters of the first, national phase but who will have no future in the Islamic new order.

Jatras also points out that “as usual, the FBI is focusing on the worm’s-eye view of who did what, rather than the big picture of how these creeps got entrenched in the US through our pro-KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army) policy [which] helped create a haven for their operations. Even worse, KLA supporters in the United States have operated with virtual impunity, collecting money and weapons to support KLA operations not only in Kosovo, but in neighboring areas of southern Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, and northern Greece.”

Therefore, says Chronicles Magazine foreign editor Trifkovic, “Hastily denying the group’s link to al-Qaeda and other global networks is a political necessity for the proponents of Kosovo’s independence, not necessarily the reality.” (Trifkovic can be reached for interviews at Trifkovic@netzero.net, and Jatras at JJatras@ssd.com.)

As an aside, the two suspects who were not Albanian come from Jordan and Turkey. Here are two heartwarming posts about Turkish troops in Kosovo. And let’s remember the even more heartwarming story of the Jordanian “peacekeepers” who opened fire on female American peacekeepers in Kosovo in 2004.

Meanwhile, our lawmakers continue to support an independent Kosovo, no longer as the multi-ethnic experiment it was sold as, but as an example of America using its “military might to create a Muslim country” in Europe, as Congressman Robert Wexler (D-FL) said recently. It appears that the jihadists whom Messrs. Wexler and Lantos had hoped would take note of our kind gesture, have done so.

What we’ve wrought in the Balkans truly is poetry in motion. The timing on these arrests, on the heels of the STATE-DEPARTMENT-SPONSORED tour of the Kosovo mufti couldn’t have been better. But no doubt the damage control machine is kicking into gear from the mufti-led State Dept. and our Albanian-bought politicians such as Tom Lantos, Eliot Engel, Joe Lieberman, John McCain, Wesley Clark and — what the heck — let’s dig up the earliest Albanian purchase: Bob Dole, after whom a street is named in Kosovo. The imperiled soldiers of Fort Dix and the other military bases that were being considered for the attack thank you all!

So let’s continue pushing for Kosovo independence, giving the Albanian Muslims massive monetary support and covert assistance while they continue cleansing the remaining non-Albanian-Muslim population. This Fort Dix plot is just another tiny bump on the road to burying this hot potato. Of course, it may get a little harder next month to wash our hands of all this business, since that’s when John R. Schindler’s book Unholy Terror: Bosnia, Al-Qa’ida, and the Rise of Global Jihad comes out.

Schindler is professor of strategy at the Naval War College and a former National Security Agency analyst and counterintelligence officer. In an email to me, he said this book should finally blow the lid off the aggressively ignored Balkans mess. His book deals mainly with Bosnia, but that serves as a good reference point for Kosovo as well. From Amazon.com:

This book provides the missing piece in the puzzle of al-Qa’ida’s transformation from an isolated fighting force into a lethal global threat: the Bosnian war of 1992 to 1995. John R. Schindler reveals the unexamined role that radical Islam played in that terrible conflict — and the ill-considered contributions of American policy to al-Qa’ida’s growth.

Schindler exposes how Osama bin Laden exploited the Bosnian conflict for his own ends and the disturbing level of support the U.S. government gave to the Bosnian mujahidin…[which] contributed to blowback of epic proportions: Khalid Sheikh Muhammad (the mastermind of 9/11) and two of the 9/11 hijacker pilots were veterans of the Bosnian jihad.

John R. Schindler served for nearly a decade with the National Security Agency — work which took him to many countries in support of U.S. and allied forces operating in the Balkans — and was NSA’s top Balkans expert. He is uniquely qualified to demonstrate

• how the Bosnian conflict has been misrepresented by the mainstream media, covering up the large role played by radical Islam and al-Qa’ida;

• how Osama bin Laden used Bosnia as a base for terrorist operations worldwide—including attacks on the United States from the Millennium Plot to 9/11;

• how veterans of the Bosnian jihad have murdered thousands of Americans and conducted terrorist attacks around the world;

• how the Clinton administration, in collaboration with Iran, secretly supplied Bosnia’s mujahidin, including al-Qa’ida, with millions of dollars of weapons and supplies;

• how America’s Bosnian allies have been in covert alliances with radical anti-American regimes in several countries;

• why Bosnia and its secret jihad matter to America and our War on Terrorism today.

Since 1999, I have been screaming from the rooftops both about the injustice and hoax of our Balkans intervention, and about the security risk posed to ourselves by it — warning that it would come back to bite us. Because when you don’t stop to figure out the historical context of a conflict that will tell you who the actual aggressor is; when you don’t corroborate horror stories by the complainant; when you don’t try to figure out which belligerent happens to also be hostile to your own society; and you instead go full throttle for a cheap moral victory and a Pulitzer, the bad guys will get you next.

But, again, let’s don’t put two and two together. To help us move along-nothing-to-see-here are the authorities:

While authorities are glad to have arrested them, the individuals are “hardly hard core terrorists,” one law enforcement source said.

Another source said that while the allegations are “troubling,” they are “not the type that made the hair on the back of your neck stand up.”

Heck, they were just going after expendable military personnel. Besides, targeting Yugoslavia’s police and military installations was a favorite Albanian hobby throughout 1980s and 90s Kosovo, and that was just fine with us.

Last Sunday, the Deseret News ran a piece titled “Roots of Murder: Shooter’s kin remember ‘ordinary kid’” — failing to include so much as a one-sentence disclaimer reminding readers that, as the paper had printed last month, the Salt Lake City shooter’s former uncle Nasir Omerovic’s “account of Talovic is sharply at odds with that of other relatives who described Talovic as a nice boy.”

As long as he knew him and heard about him…Talovic was a “bad kid.” …Talovic was about four years older than Omerovic’s son, Safer. In one incident, he said, when Talovic was about 11, he packed a broken piece of glass in a snowball and hit Safer in the head. The younger boy bled and Talovic was afraid he would be punished. But Omerovic doesn’t believe the child was punished.

Separately, the article also includes a graphic of a timeline that starts with the birth of this prize to Suljo and Sabira Talovic in 1988, followed by 1993 and the sentence “Suljo Talovic goes into mountains with village men in a defensive unit while other members of his family and many villagers flee to Srebrenica.”

So there, finally, out in the open are the dots that a rare few of us have been trying to connect, namely that Suljo, like most Bosnian Muslims aged 14 and over at the time, was a fighter — and most likely lied about it on his visa application. But lucky for him, only Serbs are called on this and deported. Meanwhile, let’s remember that his “defensive unit” was part of an offensive war.

Toward the end of the article, the Deseret News cites Omerovic echoing what other family members and acquaintances told both that paper and Salt Lake City Tribune from the beginning:

Genocide against Bosnian Muslims during the war in that country, 1992-95, cannot be blamed for Talovic’s violence, his uncle said. The boy was so young at the time that he doubts he remembered the war.

But the Deseret News was determined to justify the murder of five Utahns by a Muslim, and it was not to be deterred. To that end, Sunday’s article about “ordinary kid” Sulejman Talovic was actually part of a three-part package that was introduced thus:

…Nothing can erase any of his responsibility for killing five people and wounding four, and the incalculable suffering and terror he caused. But [But! But! But!] crime never happens in a vacuum. These articles attempt to shed light on Talovic’s actions by examining factors that may have influenced him.

The emotional history of the 18-year-old killer is difficult to untangle. The trail begins in a remote mountain village in Bosnia, [I sense the word “Serb” approaching…] leads to the family’s flight during the Serb military assault against Bosnian Muslims [there it is!], continues at refugee centers during the war and shifts to several locations in Salt Lake City.

The package relies heavily on Utah’s favorite imam in Bosnia, Nezim Halilovic:

The second piece of the package is “Cities, Citizens, still Scarred by War.” (i.e. “Maybe if we can prove that everyone else is still scarred, then it can mean that baby Sulejman somehow was — even though members of the family have repeatedly told us that none of them were.”) Here is an excerpt from the belated Balkans hack job, written by a Joe Bauman and dripping with obsolete, Balkan-war-era melodrama, the paper still milking the thing even five years after Americans started realizing that maybe the Bosnian war wasn’t exactly what our pack media told us it was:

To understand the impact on Bosnians of the 1992-95 war, ask anybody in this country old enough to remember it…From the bellhop who grows morose and silent when questioned about the fighting to the top imam in Bosnia, all have horror stories. [But not Serbs! Still no horror stories there! Well, at least no Pulitzers there.] …after Tito’s death in 1980, Yugoslavia began to fracture along ethnic lines.

No explanation that the fragmentation had something to do with the separatist Bosnian-Muslim fundamentalist president Alija Izetbegovic, the separatist Croatian Nazi nostalgics, or the separatist Albanians of Kosovo; instead, it just goes straight into:

In 1986, Slobodan Milosevic [there it is!] — an advocate of “ethnic cleansing” [there it is again!] against Bosniacs and Croats — took power as Yugoslavia’s strongman.

Ah, the cacophony of smalltown newsies trying to make sense of the big, bad world.

The artillery took aim at civilians, [translator Adi Sokolija] said. “At the beginning it was just to make people scared. Later, people standing in rows for water and bread, that was more fierce. They shot at people that were waiting just to have a piece of bread.”

“A lot of children, actually, were killed,” Sokolija continued. They were targeted, he said. “A lot of children waiting in rows for bread and water, part of those were killed.”

I wonder if he could he be talking about the infamous bread line and marketplace massacres of 1992, 1994 and 1995:

Pursuant to Izetbegovic’s end game, writes Michigan-based Balkans writer and historian Carl Savich, “the Bosnian Muslim faction engaged in propaganda, staged massacres, killed Bosnian Muslim civilians to garner sympathy and used civilian hostages or shields to further its propaganda of victimization.” For example, the 1992 Breadline Massacre and the Markale Marketplace bombings of 1994 and 95 resulted in U.S. economic sanctions and a bombing campaign, respectively, of the Serbs — despite European headlines like the Sunday Times of London’s “Serbs ‘not guilty’ of massacre, Experts warned US that mortar was Bosnian” (Oct. 1, 1995).

But back to Deseret’s drivel, and to Utah’s favorite mujahid:

The most influential imam in Bosnia, Nezim Halilovic [what? former mujahideen influential among the non-religious Muslims of Bosnia?!], described what he called “genocide and hard aggression” against Bosnia-Herzegovina. Interviewed in the Islamic Center in Sarajevo, he wore western clothing and a short beard. [Of course he did. But good job sticking to the program about those “Westernized” Bosnian Muslims by pointing that out.]

You can see churches standing in the places occupied by the Bosnia-Herzegovina army, Halilovic said. “There were no massive killings of civilians….On the opposite side, where those Serbs and Croats were, 614 mosques were destroyed; not one church on this side. And to add to that … 307 mosques are left damaged. That’s out of a total of 1,400 and some mosques.”

Because Christians destroy mosques. Whereas Muslims do not destroy churches. Got it. And that’s 614 mosques for the non-religious Bosnian Muslims in minority-Muslim areas? I’ll try to make that gel, too. Except in an unpublished letter to Deseret’s Joe Bauman, the paper’s chief recycler of the old and already debunked Balkan-Muslim propaganda, author Bill Dorich writes:

[A]re we supposed to believe that there was a mosque for every 200 Sarajevo Muslims, 90% of whom ate pork [and] drank alcohol, [while] less than 5% of all Bosnian Muslims attended mosques on a regular basis including during Ramadan? …Your belief that Serbs destroyed over 600 mosques and damaged another 300 is really naive. But why did you fail to mention that 98 Serbian churches were destroyed in Croatia in 1991 [and] 282 in Bosnia from 1992-95, and 151 churches in Kosovo since the arrival of NATO troops?

Back again to Bauman’s pabulum:

“Two hundred thousand Muslims and patriots from other nations were killed in Bosnian war.”

Around 300,000 people were placed in concentration camps, he said. “About 40,000 women were raped, amongst whom were 10,000 girls.”

About that 200,000 figure: the total war death toll — for all sides — was halved in late 2005, to 100,000, Reuters reported. Retired New York Times Washington Bureau member David Binder elaborates on this in the foreword to Peter Brock’s book Media Cleansing, Dirty Reporting:

[A]ll at once in 1993 the number of Bosnian Muslims estimated to have been killed rose astronomically from 20,000 to 200,000. [John F.] Burns of The Times amplified this at one point to 300,000! Brock then recounts how George Kenney, a Foreign Service officer who quit the State Department in disillusionment over United States passivity toward the Bosnia fighting subsequently became vocally skeptical about the ballooning death numbers. After a lot of research he put the toll at 70,000 to 90,000 and was immediately blackballed by the pro-Bosnian establishment. Not incidentally, the total for ALL SIDES killed in the Bosnia fighting was estimated in mid-2005 by Muslim researchers to be under 150,000.

Reader Michael Pravica responds to these points in his unpublished letter to the Deseret News:

Many of the claims…such as the “40,000 raped (Bosnian Muslim) women” were investigated by such respected agencies as the Red Cross and found to be wildly exaggerated. Neither has Mr. Bauman discussed the hundreds of Bosnian Serbian women who were raped.

Writes Binder:

Others pouncing on the allegations of “up to 60,000 rapes” of Muslim women by Serb soldiers included Newsweek’s Charles Lane and colleagues for a cover story and the Philadelphia Inquirer’s Judy Bachrach for a magazine piece. Conspicuously ignored then and later, as Brock points out, were the 800 cases of raped Serbian women copiously documented for the United Nations.

Binder mentions a Bosnian Serb named Boris Herak, who admitted to committing between 35 and 42 murders plus 16 rapes after being tortured by Bosnian-Muslim officials before giving Roy Gutman of New York Newsday an interview. Binder writes that, “as with Borislav Herak, whom The International Criminal Tribunal at The Hague refused to indict after the story fell apart, so the court declined to accept as a witness one of Gutman’s principal rape accusers who turned out to be using five aliases.”

About those concentration camps where, Bauman writes, “victims starved,” Mary Mostert of the Banner of Liberty website asks:

When I was writing as editor of Michael Reagan’s website and newsletter in the 1990s, I checked out the statistics from the last Yugoslav census during the Bosnian war. In 1991 the population of Sarajevo was 525,980…About 155,000 Serbs and 262,000 Muslims lived in Sarajevo and its suburbs before the war…How could 155,000 Serb men, women and children put 300,000 Muslims, or 115% of the entire Muslim population of Sarajevo, in concentration camps?

True to Balkans-reporting form, these concentration camp stories, “far from representing on-the-scene reporting,” writes Binder, “were based on scantily identified sources who never surfaced as real people.”

But back to Deseret’s dutifully reported propaganda from the mujahid-imam:

When investigators dug up one mass grave last year, they found the remains of “an older woman that was approximately 103 years old — she had documents — and her grand-grandchild, that has only three years.”

The child was still in the woman’s arms. “The cause of this and the people that did this are Serbs,” [Halilovic] said.

On July 11, 1995, near Srebrenica, a woman named Jamila noticed a woman in the crowd who wore an expression of pain. Jamila asked her what was wrong. “And she was saying, ‘I’m giving birth.”‘

Jamila told her, “Hold my hand and hold the hand of the woman next to you.” The woman gave birth to a boy. “It had black, long hair, and it looked clean even though it was just born. She took the child on her stomach.”

A Serb ordered her to put the baby on the ground, then stepped on him, killing him, he said.

These are the delicious tales that filled reams and reams of paper for a decade, and Deseret is still repeating them. Someone should tell the paper that the Pulitzers for fabricated Balkan reporting are long distributed. We have here yet another reporter relying on hearsay, and printing it without making an attempt to corroborate. Is it obvious yet that the Bosnians have had a long-running competition for most imaginiative and mutable horror tales?

But if the subject is pregnant women, and newborns, here’s one that was printed in The Jerusalem Post on Sunday, March 7, 1993: “UN officer: No Serb atrocities”

The commander of UN peacekeeping forces in Bosnia visited two besieged settlements in eastern Bosnia yesterday and dismissed Moslem accounts of Serb atrocities and mass starvation there.

General Philippe Morillon’s report was the first independent account from the area after days of unconfirmed reports of atrocities and human deprivation in the snowbound mountain settlements of Cerska and Konjevic Polje.

“Thanks to God it seems that there have been no atrocities there (in Cerska),” the French general said. “On the contrary, a pregnant woman who was there and could not leave the village has been taken by Serbian forces and put in a hospital.” — KURT SCHORK, TUZLA

I wonder if the Bosnian Muslims got the newborn-atrocity idea from any number of incidents in which Hitler’s willing Croatian (”Ustasha”) and Bosnian executioners slammed babies into brick walls, or perhaps from this similar incident as chronicled by the late Jewish Holocaust survivor Cadik Danon in his book The Smell of Human Flesh, A Witness of the Holocaust Memories of Jasenovac:

Some meters from the gate I saw a column of men, women and children. The Ustashas were pushing them and hitting them with the butts of their rifles. When they came near I saw that they were peasants from some Serbian village in Bosnia. They were frightened, confused, and the Ustashas were beating them mercilessly with curses and threats.

I noticed a group of women with children and among them a handsome young woman with a kerchief on her head. She was not older than twenty three, or four. She was carrying on her chest her baby in diapers; a sweet, fearful boy of about four years was holding on to a corner of her skirt.

The Ustashas were rough in separating the children from their parents. The screams of mothers and cries of children were heard. An Ustasha approached the young woman with her baby in her hands, tore away the boy and pushed him to the side where the separated children were standing. The cries and screams were growing; on the sadists’ faces pleasure was visible. The Ustasha who had torn off the boy from his mother, approached her again intending to take away her suckling baby. The fury, fear and the decidedness not to give up her child, whom she pressed even tighter to her breast, were seen on the mother’s face. The Ustasha grabbed the child with both hands and was trying to take him away, but the woman, strongly holding the baby on her left arm, suddenly grabbed the Ustasha by the throat with her right hand and tightened her grip so hard that he started choking, rolling his eyes and sticking out his tongue. Seeing what was happening, another Ustasha approached the woman from the back and with a strong stroke of the butt [of his rifle] he sent her into the mud. She fell in a prone position, over the baby, to the ground. The Ustasha who was almost strangled collected himself. He turned the woman over on the back and started again tearing away the baby from her. His fury was even more intensive, not only because of the woman’s resistance, but because she had shamed him in front of his Ustashas. So he furiously wanted to grab the child again; she was holding him tight on her chest and would not let him go. Mad, he hit the woman with his hilt into the stomach and with a sudden jerk he grabbed her child. Helpless and stunned, the woman was lying on the ground. The Ustasha began cursing: “Cursed be your Serbian mother, we shall kill all of you! How dare you [try] to strangle me!”

The baby in his hands was crying, and cursing he took off its diapers, grabbed it by his small legs and started revolving it in a circle. He turned it faster and faster and suddenly threw it on the ground at the head of his mother. The baby’s head cracked like a ripe melon, its blood and brain spilling over the mother’s maddened face. The desperate cry of the poor woman resounded and she then lost consciousness. I saw that she was taken by the legs and pulled to the side.

The children seized and separated were led further to the depth of the camp. So I lost them out of sight. Children’s cries and shrieks were weaker and weaker. Mothers called them by their names: “Milan! Marko! Marija!” The adult villagers were taken to the Sava river which flowed just next to the camp. They were take to Lower Gradina, where they were killed en masse…The cries and wailings were slowly subduing in the distance…The camp gate was shut again.

This snapshot goes to the point of why most Serbs were reluctant to live under independent Croatian or Bosnian-Muslim rule, but Yugoslavian only — especially since not much changed by the 1990s. So civil wars ensued. Hence we get the myth of Serbs “starting” the wars, and of Serbia trying to “carve out more land for Serbs” as part of a “Greater Serbia.”

The last part of the Deseret News hackage was titled “Bosnian Family Torn Apart by War,” and it elaborated on the timeline information about Suljo’s military service:

“Civilians went to Srebrenica,” said Sacir Cumurovic, a cousin of Suljo Talovic, interviewed in Talovici. A Jacksonville, Fla., resident, he went back to Bosnia for the funeral of Sulejman Talovic last month. “Army was in the forests hiding, trying to find a way out,” he said. “But civilian, children and women, went into Srebrenica.”

Asked why the family split up, Cumurovic replied, “Because he’s (Suljo Talovic) in army.” …The day of the funeral in Talovici, Hasic located a man who identified himself as Suljo Talovic’s military commander in a defensive unit during the war.

The man said his first name is Alija but did not give his surname. He refused to speak with the American newspaper during an interview attempt, although he did talk with Hasic. [Hmm, won’t talk to American; has the same first name as our friend the Bosnian fundamentalist president Izetbegovic, who asked to be buried in the cemetery of the “shahids”.]

Alija described Suljo Talovic as an ordinary soldier, not an officer. “He says that he was really good soldier, and says that he knows all his family.

This piece of the package ends with the oft-quoted aunt Ajka Omerovic, finally changing her original story, as I’ve been waiting for this waywardly honest relative to do. It took a full two months to happen. Here’s what she said before, first as reported in the NY Times:

Ms. Omerovic said the Bosnian civil war alone as an explanation made no sense to her because all Bosnians had been “touched by war” but had not committed crimes.

and second as reported in Salt Lake Tribune:

Sulejman Talovic’s aunt, Ajka Omerovic, said she doesn’t know why her nephew became a mass murderer, but claimed neither he nor the rest of her family has any lingering psychological effects from the war in Bosnia.

But here’s how she feels about it this month:

She and her child Safer were present during the 1995 massacre.

“Oh, I cannot tell you how that like,” she said. “It’s terrible.”

After the town was overrun, Serbs rounded up the men and killed them, amounting to 8,000, she said. [SHE said…as opposed to the fluctuating, Islamic-propagandized number that’s been publicized ad infinitum.]

“They occupied us and put us in one building,” she said. People were taken from the building, a battery factory, and killed or raped. The Serbs could “do whatever they want,” she said. Women were killed there, she said.

The Bosnian agony had an effect on her nephew, Sulejman Talovic, she believes. [Here she finally falls in line and gets with the program. What took you so long, Ajka? Didn’t you hear how the rest of the family was playing it, and the way Deseret was begging you to play it?] “I don’t make any excuses [well she didn’t before], but [But! But! But!] it’s terrible to suffer something like that.”

Even though he was a young boy, he knew what was going on, she believes. [She does now!] She thinks his mother said that when they were traveling from Srebrenica to Tuzla, he saw women killed and women raped.

“The enemy can just stop the truck and take you and kill you or whatever they want,” she said. “I think they said he saw some of that.”

So now we’re just down to one off-script relative, Ajka’s ex-husband above, who still hasn’t gotten the memo to play up the war-of-Serbian-aggression thing.

Toward the bottom of this last article, Bauman quotes the translator Hasic, saying that “something like 50 mass graves have been discovered. ‘And right now…we are finding the mass graves, but you don’t know who is inside of the mass graves.’”

Well here’s a clue, from the preface of the Brock book:

There is no question that several thousand people were killed [in Srebrenica] — some by fellow combatants — in a murderous orgy.

What the International Committee of the Red Cross originally said on September 13, 1995, and again on February 8, 1996, was that 5,000 mostly Muslim troops and civilians fled from Srebrenica into other areas of Bosnia before and during the Serb attacks.

Some reports indicate that many were discreetly assigned to other Bosnian Army units. Some managed to join up with paramilitary groups. Others hid in forests.

Limited exhumations of supposed mass graves near Srebrenica resulted in identifying only some of the “missing” thousands of Muslim corpses — later categorized as civilian non-combatants — the largest number of which were taken to a warehouse in Tuzla. In fact, the Srebrenica region also contains intermittently re-disovered — and, reluctantly reported — mass graves of hundreds of Serb victims murdered during atrocities before 1995. An understandable, even reasonable provocation for subsequent retaliation, some may assert!

Ah, now do we understand the end game?

Just a footnote on the reporter of the 1993 item in Jerusalem Post, in which UN General Morillon reported no atrocities aside from the Serbs taking a pregnant woman to the hospital: The late Kurt Schork eventually gave up the unpopular no-Serbian-atrocities stuff and, like Aunt Ajka, got with the program. According to Brock’s introduction, as a reporter for Reuters, Schork too engaged in the sleight-of-pen reporting that was pandemic among Balkans correspondents:

[Schork] wrote about a man named “Zarko Spasic” who disappeared near the village of Sipovac in Kosovo….Finally, in the eleventh paragraph of the report, readers could figure out that Zarko Spasic was a Serb who was kidnapped and murdered by Albanian Muslims in the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA).

Maddeningly, journalists used this method of allowing presumption and mistaken inference to occur until deep into the narratives of thousands of such accounts — and long after copy editors had excised the most critical information — throughout the war reporting of the 1990s!

Several websites, including DebbieSchlussel.com, JawaReport and PipelineNews, have picked up on a connection that investigator Bill Warner made last month between the aunt of Salt Lake jihadist Sulejman Talovic — Ajka Omerovic — and an Amir Omerovic, a naturalized citizen from Bosnia, who a few years ago was convicted of sending what he threatened were anthrax-laced letters to then Connecticut Governor John C. Rowland, as well as to the U.S. Coast Guard and Marines in CT. Part of the letter, according to the NY Times, read: “This is only the beginning. Americans will die. Death to America and Israel.”

The assumption is that Omerovic is some kind of cousin of Talovic and that therefore the Talovic-Omerovic family is no stranger to jihadist activities. As of yet, it is unclear what, if any, relationship exists between Omerovic and Talovic, but there isn’t any need to look for blood relations across the country when there are plenty of jihadist activities happening much closer to home. Talovic and Omerovic need never have met for each to have independently taken up jihad.

Rather than look for distant relations, we can be reasonably sure that there’s a common denominator inside both Talovic and Omerovic — that universal Muslim sense of aggrievement and the thirst to kill which Islam satisfies.

What explains the common last name is the fact that the primitives of Bosnia arrange themselves in the same way that the primitives of Kosovo do: by clan. And not all in the clan know one another. To illustrate the loose way in which this works, let us look at the Krasniqi clan of Kosovo/Albania (the ‘q’ is pronounced ‘ch’). The most famous Krasniqi is Florin Krasniqi, a member of the Kosovo Liberation Army, who resides in Bay Ridge, Brooklyn, and who until recently was smuggling planeloads of weapons from the U.S. to Kosovo, to arm the Albanians for war against Serbia, NATO and the UN in the event that the Albanian land grab from Serbia isn’t made official by the middle of this year. Krasniqi raised $30 million from the Albanian-American community for the KLA to wage domestic terror in Yugoslavia. He was the subject of a Dutch documentary that aired on PBS in 2005, in which he admitted to having worked with bin Laden’s people.


Richard C. Holbrooke, former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, on the left, joking around with weapons smuggler Florin Krasniqi and Wesley Clark at a John Kerry fundraiser. (Source: Serbianna, where the video can be accessed from the front page.)

Demonstrating just how loose the clan connection can be is the fact that Florin Krasniqi continues his KLA activities despite the murder by the KLA of an Ahmet Krasniqi (specifically, by America’s man in Kosovo — Hashim “the Snake” Thaci). From a New York Times article by Christopher Hedges:

As tensions rose, Thaci and the Albanian authorities decided to eliminate Krasniqi, according to former rebel commanders and two former Albanian officials interviewed in Tirana…On Sept. 21 at 11 P.M. on the way back from a restaurant in Tirana, Krasniqi ran into a police checkpoint about 300 yards from his office on Dibra Street, according to a former rebel commander who was with Krasniqi…

When Krasniqi and his two companions got out of their gray Opal jeep they saw three men emerge from the shadows with black hoods over their faces. The men, speaking with an Albanian accent that distinguished them from Kosovo Albanians, ordered the two men with Krasniqi to get down on the ground.

“Which one is it?” asked one of the gunmen, according to one of the commanders who was prone on the asphalt.

“The one in the middle,” said another. The gunmen, who held a pistol a few inches from Krasniqi’s head, fired a shot. He then fired two more shots into Krasniqi’s head once he fell onto the pavement…As NATO bombs fell on Kosovo this April, two more outspoken commanders, Agim Ramadani, a captain in the former Yugoslav Army, and Sali Ceku, were killed, each in an alleged Serbian ambush.

Note the last name Ceku. The assassination of Sali Ceku by the KLA didn’t keep one Agim Ceku from becoming the current, KLA-affiliated prime minister of Kosovo. To the contrary, last August Ceku praised a war criminal named Selim Krasniqi:

The Humanitarian Law Center has issued a press statement condemning Agim Ceku’s behavior in the case of Selim Krasniqi…

“Bearing in mind the fact that, on 10 August 2006, the International Trial Chamber pronounced Selim Krasniqi, Bedri Zymberi and Agron Krasniqi guilty of war crime, illegal detention and kidnapping of Albanians in the village of Drenovac (municipality of Mališevo), the Prime Minister’s visit to the convicted and temporarily released General and his statement that “Kosovo needs men like General Selim Krasniqi” sent a message to the public that certain citizens of Kosovo, such as General Selim Krasniqi, are above the law…”

(Yes, Selim Krasniqi and Agron Krasniqi probably are related.)

The Brooklyn arms smuggler Florin Krasniqi continues his KLA activities also despite the massacre of an entire Krasniqi family by the KLA. From a 2002 Der Spiegel article that’s worth reading in full (it’s not long):

A strange grave lies in the midst of a large meadow in the village of Crni Luk. There are no names on the four gravestones, and the inhabitants of [the] village of 3,000 react with distrust to questions about the dead. “This is where we buried the charred remains of the Krasniqi clan,” says a young Albanian man and adds immediately with a wave of his hand: “But I do not know more than that.”

Twenty-four Albanians were shot, among them 13 children, and their houses were burned down…The four Krasniqi brothers were considered “loyalists to the Serbian regime” and worked in Serbian companies; one of them was even [a] journalist for the Serbian language newspaper “Jedinstvo”. Under the Milosevic regime they enjoyed privileges; afterwards, this was their death sentence.

Those “privileges”, incidentally, are nothing more than the same opportunities that every other, non-secessionist citizen of the former Yugoslavia had regardless of ethnicity.

The next Krasniqi I heard about was this guy:

Detectives who investigated an Albanian couple and found they had committed a catalogue of abhorrent crimes against an 18-year-old woman have revealed the pair came to the UK in 1999 from Kosovo and one jumped the border on the back of a lorry.

Blendi Krasniqi arrived in Victoria, central London, seven years ago and was granted political asylum…D Sgt Eddington said the woman was forced to visit up to 40 clients a day or entertain them at the house let to the couple, in Oliver Road, Sutton. They were believed to have played equal parts in what the judge who sentenced them described as an “evil trade” and would drive the woman to the clients’ homes together, collecting payment in advance and wait to drive her back.

The woman became so desperate to escape her tormentors that she walked into a pub and stole a wallet and a mobile phone from a man in a bid to attract attention from the police. This led her to eventual safety and set court proceedings in motion against Krasniqi and Zeneli…

Then I noticed that I myself had mentioned yet another Krasniqi in a 2005 article:

While Byzantine art exhibits at New York museums were humming last year, 900-year-old Serb churches, cathedrals and monasteries in Kosovo were being systematically bombed, burned, looted, and urinated on in a single week. The pogroms had been set off by a rumor, later confirmed false by NATO, that Serbs had drowned some Albanian youths. By the end of March, 366 homes and 41 churches were destroyed, according to an AP report, which quoted 23 year-old Ruzhdi Krasniqi, who “smoked a cigarette as he assessed the damage and said he felt ‘OK’ about [it]. ‘I don’t want the Serbs to return here,’ he said. ‘They’ve got no place here.’”

There was also a Lullizim Krazniqi, a major drug dealer on the Balkan route, who was killed last March. Next, I stumbled upon a Jakup Krasniqi, a former spokesman for the KLA and Kosovo’s current minister of Environment and Spacial Planning. This is from a 1999 NY Times abstract:

Senior Kosovo Liberation Army official, Jakup Krasniqi, says that guerrilla force would not allow itself to be disarmed, though that is a central tenet of proposed peace deal announced by allied diplomats in Germany; says, however, that rebel soldiers ‘would never’ fight peacekeepers.

(So much for that, huh!)

There is also Arif Krasniqi, a member of the al Qaeda-affiliated terror group Abu Bakr Sadiq, which a Belgrade policy institute mentioned in 2004:

The Islamist terrorist group Abu Bakr Sadiq is active in South Mitrovica…[It] is named after the mujeheddin unit of the same time which carried out terrorist operations in Kosovo in 1998…The paramilitary activities of the Abu Bakr Sadiq unit, comprised of about 120 terrorists from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Albania and Iran did not last very long. Thanks to operations by Serbian police in autumn 1998 the Kosovo Liberation Army was almost completely destroyed, including the Abu Bakr Sadiq unit as one of its component parts…however, in 2001, under pressure from the U.S. resulting from the activities of the Albanian-American Civil League (see Wesley Clark’s love letter to this group), they were released along with other Kosovo Liberation Army members.

Abu Bakr Sadiq is presently comprised of some 30 terrorists, including Shpend Kopriva, Muhamed Avdija, Sami Hoti, Alija Hoti, Besim Ismaili, Sami Hoti, Ertan Bitiqi, Ahmet Hoxha, Lulazim Ymeri, Nexhmedin Laush, Arif Krasniqi

Next, this headline last July from the Macedonian newspaper Vecer (”Evening”) caught my eye, via BBC Monitoring Europe: “Macedonia: Vratnica attack said done by Krasniqi group,” which was soon followed by this headline: Albanian Gunman’s Release Sparks Fury in Macedonia

Macedonia’s government held a special session on September 1 to discuss how an ethnic Albanian who turned a village outside Skopje (Macedonian capital) into a no-go zone for the police was allowed to walk free…Agim Krasniqi and a dozen other armed men have given the government a headache ever since last November, when they took over control of the village of Kondovo, a dozen kilometers from Skopje [capital], effectively turning it into a safe haven for criminals from Macedonia and Kosovo.

Police issued warrants for his arrest after he ignored a court summons for hearings over charges that included theft, kidnapping and illegal possession of weapons.

But Krasniqi remained defiant, warning that if the police approached the village he would retaliate against Skopje itself with bombs and explosives…It is not clear what happened to the heavy weaponry Krasniqi claimed to hold in the village…In the meantime, Krasniqi can be seen sitting in cafes in the centre of Skopje…

Of course, when it suits his purposes, Agim Krasniqi is capable of saving the day:

…outside the village of Kondovo in the Summer of 2005, armed men from the Wahhabi camp attacked a car carrying…imams who spoke out against the Wahhabis. In a strange twist, the moderate imams were saved when another armed group, that of Kondovo native and young militant Agim Krasniqi, attacked the Wahhabis.

A Krasniqi also came up in a New York Times article from 1982 by a Marvine Howe, albeit with the alternate “Krasnici” spelling. Note the picture of Kosovo that this article — like all the buried articles from the region throughout the 70s and 80s — paints:

There have been no serious troubles between Serbians and Albanians in Bec [near the Albanian border], but Serbs in some of the neighboring villages have reportedly been harassed by Albanians and have packed up and left the region.

The exodus of Serbs is admittedly one of the main problems that the authorities have to contend with in Kosovo, an autonomous province of Yugoslavia inhabited largely by Albanians.

In June a 43-year-old Serb, Miodrag Saric, was shot and killed by an Albanian neighbor, Ded Krasnici, in a village near Djakovica, 40 miles southwest of Pristina, according to the official Yugoslav press agency Tanyug. It was the second murder of a Serb by an Albanian in Kosovo this year. The dispute reportedly started with a quarrel over damage done to a field belonging to the Saric family…Five members of the Krasnici family have been arrested and investigations are continuing.

(This was back when murders of Serbs were prosecuted; under Serbia, Kosovo still had some semblance of rule of law.)

The authorities have responded at various levels to the violence in Kosovo, clearly trying to avoid antagonizing the Albanian majority. Besides firm security measures, action has been taken to speed political, educational and economic changes.

“The nationalists have a two-point platform,” according to Becir Hoti, an executive secretary of the Communist Party of Kosovo, “first to establish what they call an ethnically clean Albanian republic and then the merger with Albania to form a greater Albania.”

The migration of Serbs is no ordinary problem because Kosovo is the heartland of Serbian history, culture and religion. Serbs have been in this region since the seventh century…[Pressures] included personal insults, damage to Serbian graves and the burning of hay, cutting down wood and other attacks on property to force Serbs to leave.

What is special about Pristina is that it has always been Serbs on one side of the street and Albanians on the other. Residents say Albanins have been encroaching on Serbian ‘’territory'’ since the disturbances.

After the crackdown on Albanian nationalists — about 300 have been sentenced — they are said to have changed tactics, moving to the villages, where there is less security control. In some mixed communities, there were reports of farmers being pressured to sell their land cheap and of Albanian shopkeepers refusing to sell goods to Serbs.

This has been the short list of Krasniqis. At an event in which he was pitching Kosovo to potential investors, the KLA arms smuggler Florin Krasniqi tried to allay the investors’ fears about organized crime running the show in Kosovo. Krasniqi used a quip that I’ve heard used by Russian mafiosos about Russians: Albanians are too disorganized to have “organized crime”. Considering the mayhem they’ve managed “without” organization, imagine what they’ll be capable of when they do, by their standards, get organized. Actually, we won’t have to imagine; we’ll see it in June, in the conflict they’ve been arming for since we did their bidding in ‘99: unilaterally declaring independence, and war, on NATO and the UN.

Last week, the Salt Lake Tribune reported that the day before 18 year-old Sulejman Talovic killed Mormons in Utah, he told his girlfriend that

“something is going to happen tomorrow that you’ll never be able to forgive me about,'’ the 17-year-old remembers Talovic saying. “He said it was supposed to be the happiest day of his life and that it could only happen once in a lifetime.”

In case that doesn’t sound convincingly Islamic enough, consider that Sulejman’s favorite movie was “Malcolm X”. Or consider the lie he told his girlfriend:

Monika said Talovic described hiding in the woods over a period of three years, lying face down in the dirt to avoid watching as Serbs decapitated countrymen nearby. He told Monika of seeing people shot in the head or stomach. He did witness killings, his aunt said.

Hmm, Christians decapitating Muslims? It’s possible, but it could be projection: While the public has seen pictures and videos of people shot by Serbs, what has not been circulated to the public is any of the videos of beheadings, eye-gougings, disembowelment and other mutilations of Serbs by Bosniaks. So as usual, there is some projection going on. (On Passover every year, the Palestinian Authority broadcasts a movie in which a Jew slits an Arab boy’s throat to get the Christian blood he needs to make the matzo. Of course, we know who does the throat-slitting in reality.)

But that’s actually not the big lie here. The big lie concerns the fact that Talovic told his girlfriend that he and his family were hiding in the woods for three years when, according to all previous accounts by Talovic family members, the family left Talovici for Srebrenica in 1993 and arrived in Tuzla later the same year.

But lo and behold, it seems the selfsame family members are changing their stories to the more dramatic:

The aunt recalls hiding with the Talovic family in the woods. Eventually, the family left, walking hundreds of miles toward a free zone in Tuzla. On the way, they slept on the floor of schoolhouses without blankets. Talovic’s grandfather was fatally shot. An infant brother and sister died.

First, notice that the family is still playing around with the plotline that the grandfather was shot — as opposed to his dying from a mortar shell, as the Talovics originally were saying — and now the location scouting for Grandpa’s death has moved to the woods as opposed to Srebrenica. (Original post on Grandpa is here.)

Secondly, the family didn’t walk from Srebrenica to Tuzla, but got a ride on a UN convoy.

And the plot thickens still: If what Sulejman told his girlfriend was true, specifically the part about an infant brother and sister dying along the way, it means that the Talovics had six kids — as opposed to the three daughters and one son they’d had up until now. They got themselves another two kids to kill off in the storyline.

How can there have been six children when it was originally reported that “Young Sulejman, his three siblings, his mother Sabira and grandfather made the difficult journey on foot to Srebrenica…” Where are the other two siblings at this early point in the family’s war saga?

It could still be true, and Sulejman’s aunt Ajka Omerovic confirmed that the girl died before the war and the boy died during. But it’s strange that we’re only hearing about these two dead kids now that the family has had time to think — considering that this is exactly the kind of painful-history detail the family would have reached for early on, when they were pulling out all the sympathy stops as soon as they learned that their boy had killed five Americans.

There does, for now, seem to be a more forthcoming relative. Perhaps it’s because Sulejman kept assaulting this guy’s son, Sulejman’s cousin. Nasir Omerovic, who is separated from Sulejman’s aunt Ajka Omerovic,

disputes family members’ description of Talovic as a good child who rarely caused trouble…Omerovic said Talovic often tormented his son Safer, who was two years younger. Within the first few months of living on Edmonds Place, Omerovic said, Talovic grabbed Safer by the throat and choked him.

On another occasion, he said, Talovic packed a snowball with broken glass and threw it at Safer’s head, drawing blood. “For Sulejman, that was a game…All the trouble he was making, it was just a game.”

This is all in addition to pulling a knife on the landlord, throwing rocks at one girl, and swiping a knife at another one. But back to the Trib article:

Suljo Talovic was a kind father who was reluctant to acknowledge his son’s problems, Omerovic said. “He never punished his boy for his troubles,” he said. “Every time he blamed somebody else.”

Hmm, blaming someone else…that doesn’t sound too Muslimy either.

Something else that the media are gliding over is mentioned in passing in this item from Salt Lake Tribune. Apparently, several weeks before the shootings, Talovic had told his cousins that he got one of the guns from a member of the Crips gang, which he was allowed to join once he removed a SWASTIKA TATTOO from his arm.

Six weeks before his deadly rampage at Trolley Square mall, Sulejman Talovic proudly showed three young relatives the 12-gauge shotgun, .38-caliber revolver and black backpack of ammunition he had collected.

None of the three teenagers, skeptical of Talovic’s claim that he was “hustling” for a local gang, thought to alert Talovic’s parents or police.

[He told them] that he got the revolver from another member of the Crips gang; and that he used a knife to remove a swastika tattoo on his arm in order to join the gang. Talovic said he planned to sell the guns.

Like the weapons that the parents claimed to not know about, and the record of juvenile violence that they dismiss, did Sulejman’s parents not know about the swastika tattoo either? The one on his ARM? Even if Sulejman was lying about this tattoo to his cousins, the fact that he claimed to have had it is significant in itself.

On his blog, Salt Lake Tribune photographer Trent Nelson, who accompanied reporter Lisa Rosetta to an intimate interview with Monika, mentions the following tidbit from Monika’s mother:

She told how she was alone with her two children, and how men threatened to cut off her daughter’s head. She told how men put out their cigarettes on her 6-month-old baby’s neck. I had heard a lot of similar stories from the wars in Yugoslavia. After a trip to the Balkans in 2000, I read everything I could get my hands on. But hearing it in person is always more harrowing tha[n] you can imagine.

It’s tales like these and those of the Talovics that are the classic Muslim embellishments that were flying around the Balkans throughout the 90s and that thousands of reporters swallowed, then regurgitated for us to swallow. This is a microcosmic replay of what happened then: reporters dutifully taking down and printing every tall tale by Bosnian (and later Albanian) Muslims, no questions asked, while blocking out equally horrific tales from Serbs that would have given some context to the civil wars and the crackdowns.

But for the Balkans, all reporter skepticism and fact-checking were set aside, and there was no putting two and two together. Did this photographer even bother to ask to see the cigarette burn marks on the aforementioned child’s neck, before repeating it to us? I’d be floored if he did, as it would be a first for Balkans-related reporting.

Certainly some of the stories were true, but when only some are true, and the other side’s similarly horrific stories are dismissed wholesale because you were instructed ahead of time as to who the designated victim was, does it justify an intervention on behalf of one of those two sides? Oh what a different picture might emerge if we could be given a glimpse of the unprinted portions of reporters’ 1990s notebooks.

This is the reporting phenomenon that Peter Brock covers in his riveting book Media Cleansing: Dirty Reporting, in which he mentions that only a handful of journalists later admitted to feeling disillusioned about the Balkans conflict. To my knowledge, there is only one reporter who publicly stepped forward to admit having been a dupe for the Muslims — in this case the Albanian Muslims of Kosovo. Her name is Nancy Durham, and she was working for the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation at the time. She wrote an article about it for the October, 1999 issue of Brill’s Content, titled “Casualties of War.” Below are excerpts from the breathtaking article, a snapshot of a conflict, which so far does the most to explain how the free world came to align itself with al Qaeda at a time when it was already our chief adversary. (All bolded emphasis is mine; the actual pages of the original Brill’s Content article are here, here, here and here.)

My experience in Kosovo over the last year and a half has introduced me to a type of propaganda that I have never encountered before, at least as far as I know. Because of that, I have learned a lesson: Taking time to get to know the people in your stories, and making a point of following up on stories, which I do, means you might actually find the truth–and discover that what came before it was a lie.

While I certainly wasn’t the only reporter in the place at the time [September, 1998], it was definitely not the story of the day. Monica was…While I wasn’t thinking about it at the time, my being there in those desperate days made me very attractive to the Albanian Kosovars, whose plight was far from the top of the news agenda.

On this journey, I traveled to Shale, in Drenica (a Kosovo Liberation Army stronghold), with an Albanian Kosovar doctor, Shpetim Robaj. He took me there to show me a KLA field hospital. One week after our visit, Shpetim was killed when a landmine exploded under his Red Cross vehicle…

Shale is where I first met Rajmonda Rreci, who was then 18. She was a patient in the KLA hospital at the time, pale and weak and attached to an intravenous drip. She told me she had just seen her eight-year-old sister Qendresa killed in a Serb attack on her village.

When we first met, Rajmonda and I only had a few minutes together. She told me in a voice filled with anger and conviction that she might join the KLA as a result of what had happened to her family…

The following week, I returned to London to assemble my story about Shpetim. My report was shown around the world in about a dozen countries that I know of, including Germany, Sweden, Italy the Netherlands, and Australia; in the United States, CBS Evening News used my pictures to tell Shpetim’s story. Kosovo was sneaking back into the news. Viewers were moved by Shpetim’s warmth and humor in the midst of adversity and distressed by his untimely death. Although Rajmonda made only a brief appearance, she too made an impact. People were struck by her conviction to avenge the murder of her sister. So three months later, in December, I returned to Shale to look for her.

After a harrowing search, I found Rajmonda at the KLA’s Drenica mountain headquarters. As twilight capped the summit, we stood together shivering in the forest while she gave a riveting interview. Here was a beautiful 18-year-old girl in a soldier’s uniform, cradling a Kalashnikov rifle that she described as being “just like one member of my family. This is for me everything…because he have the power that I don’t have.”

…Before I left, I said I’d like to see her little sister’s grave. “Even I don’t know where it is,” she said. I asked her what Qendresa’s death meat to her. Rajmonda replied, “It’s so really, really hard. But I am — sometimes, I am so lucky that my sister was only seven years old — six years old — and she had a chance to give her blood for this land.”

This is when the first faint feeling of doubt flickered through my brain. In September, Rajmonda had told me her sister was eight. Was it just her command of English that tripped her up? I made a note to check her age in my notes.

Since there was no grave to visit, I pursued the idea of going to her hometown. “Why not?” she cheerfully asked. A picture of her house — whether it was still standing or in ruins — would do. It didn’t even really matter if no one was home. I could talk to a neighbor, a teacher — anyone at all who could inform me about the life of a girl who had come to treat a Kalashnikov as a family member.

I asked Visar, my fixer — my translator, driver, and all-around guide — to ask Rajmonda for directions to Skenderaj. They talked for a bit, in Albanian of course, when suddenly Rajmonda had a change of heart. She now said it could endanger her family for me to go to them. I offered to skip the family interviews if that made her feel better, and just take pictures of the neighborhood, but she wouldn’t budge. Visar also insisted it was too dangerous. Once again, I felt slight pangs of suspicion. Why didn’t Rajmonda want me to see her hometown? Her insistence was puzzling.

For now, I would have to let it go. No grave, no village, no more Rajmonda for that visit.

I went back to London and told her story. It was a report about a gun-toting girl soldier who saw her small sister die. It was beamed around the world, just like the first installment. CBS news featured her. Stephanie Nolen of The Globe and Mail in Toronto saw Rajmonda on CBC and told me she found her “so real…she was such a child, and yet she had skills and ideas and plans and a sort of mission that’s utterly foreign to what I know of [teenage] girls….Was it her sister who was killed? What more primal reason would there be for picking up a gun?” After my report aired on Channel 4 News in Britain, the editor, Jim Gray, declared that the story was the “tastiest morsel” on the show that night.

In June, when the war ended, I returned to Kosovo to look once again for Rajmonda. I learned that she had indeed survived and was still at KLA headquarters on the mountain in Drenica. I found her on her day off at the logistics house. She was very warm and, I thought, happy to see me. She spoke about death and how she had thought it was coming to her in one particular battle; how the soldiers sang together to give themselves power; and how killing the enemy was hard at first, but then “you only want to kill, to kill him because you know what he done to your family.” She told me how she was committed to the struggle for complete independence for Kosovo, yet yearned to behave like a teenager while she still was one. And once again I asked her about her feelings for her sister, Qendresa. She said that sometimes “you have to lose something that you love, you really love, to have the freedom.”

The following day I found her in a university dorm in Prizren, a city in the south, that had been taken over by the KLA. She was dressed in the all-black uniform of the new KLA special-police unit…She told me that she had learned her family was alive and safe in Albania. She also offered me a surprise element to her story. She said she had in fact been an agent for the KLA in the summer of 1998 — before she met me — and she told me that as an agent, she had been used to spy on Serb policemen. She dressed up and flirted with them, speaking excellent Serbian, she said, adding that she wore a wireless microphone for these operations and had a code line like “it’s time to move” to let the KLA know when to pounce.

It was chilling listening to her describe her work. And it was unsettling, too, because her story was beginning to unravel. If she had lied to me about being a KLA agent, what else had she lied to me about? I blurted out, “Qendresa did really die, didn’t she?” “Oh, yes,” she said.

By now, I had more than a gnawing feeling about the whole story. Something wasn’t right, but I didn’t know what. I did know, however, that the Yugoslav army had just withdrawn from her hometown, and it was now finally safe to go there. So when Rajmonda and I parted, I made my plans to go to Skenderaj, to see for myself what I could find.

The next day, Donat, my fixer during this trip, and I drove from rubble house to rubble house until we were directed to Llaushe, a village on the edge of Skenderaj, where the Rreci clan was supposed to live…At the end of the road, we found a few members of the Rreci clan hanging around in a burned-out shell of a house. They knew Rajmonda and her family. No, they had not gone to Albania, as Rajmonda had said. We were sent on to a squat bungalow, slightly odd looking in that it appeared untouched by war.

Please, someone be home. We knocked. A child answered. A beautiful, dark-haired, sparkly-eyed little girl. I asked Donat to ask her her name.

“Qendresa,” she beamed.

Qendresa.

I found myself in the ludicrous position of having a sick, sinking feeling because a delightful nine-year-old child was alive. I was horrified, stupefied. Qendresa’s mother, Bahrije, came to the door. She recognized me — from my videotapes, I suppose. She spoke my name before I could introduce myself and she seemed a little nervous. We wasted no time in getting to the question: Uh, Qendresa, isn’t she supposed to be, uh, not here?

Bahrije quickly offered the explanation that Rajmonda had got her sister’s name wrong and that actually it was another sister, “Dafina,” who died in the war. But her story was sloppy and not even close to Rajmonda’s version. She said “Dafina” was killed in shelling in the woods, while Qendresa was supposed to have died in a fleeing convoy. The dates were wrong, the names were wrong. I could see there was no Dafina at all! It stunk. I had to admit I’d fallen victim to a lie. My story was no longer a true one, and the reports that had aired in cities around the world repeated the lie.

The next morning, Donat and I headed back to Rajmonda’s new headquarters at Prizren for a confrontation. I was a nervous wreck by the time she appeared. A teenage girl I thought I knew had my reputation in her hands. She’d lied to me — but why?

I found her and asked her that very question. She said that last summer, five days before we met, she was told that a girl who fit Qendresa’s description had been killed. She claimed that the doctors — both Shpetim and another doctor at the filed hospital — encouraged her to tell me her sister was dead as though it were fact. Rajmonda admitted that by December, she knew without doubt that Qendresa was alive…She says everyone told her the same thing, that lots of girls lost their little sisters and didn’t have the chance to give an interview, so she should do it for them.

I returned to London with a bag of tapes but in a complete fog as to how to use them. Initially, I thought I could salvage my story. I would just have to find a way to let viewers know a fundamental part of it was nonsense! But the more I looked at the tapes and attempted to work with them, the more I wondered who else had lied. I had completely lost heart. I turned to my colleagues, who saw much faster than I that I must return to Kosovo and approach the story afresh. Kelly Crichton, executive producer of CBC’s The National Magazine, listened quietly to my saga. When I was done, she told me I potentially had an even better story: If I could turn it into a story of war propaganda, I stood to be seen as an “older, wiser, more brave and honest reporter.”

It has taken me several weeks to begin to feel once again engaged as a journalist and to regain my interest in this troublesome story. I was helped by a visit to Shpetim’s sister Aferdita and her husband, Faton, Kosovar exiles in London. They were deeply sympathetic but honest enough, too, to admit that the lie probably did help their cause. Faton explained that my story came when “no one from the West believed our suffering. After the propaganda the world said, ‘Oh, the doctor died, and the sister died.’…Now everyone knows the suffering, a year ago they did not.” But the weakness of propaganda is not lost on Faton, either. “This story you tell now will be very good for Serbs. This is how Albanians are. They lie. But thanks God we have plenty of real tragedies and Rajmonda’s lie is going to be nothing.”

I often think of the human misery and suffering I witnessed in Kosovo last summer. The people hiding in the forests, the villages on fire. Why would anyone feel the need to make up or exaggerate death? And then I remember the very last time I saw Shpetim. He was crying. He wasn’t acting. He had seen terrible things. That September, there were few reporters around. The place really was on fire. I saw the smoke…

Yes, Nancy, they were suffering: they were suffering for their cause — one that they set in motion and were willing to sacrifice for: a nationalistic land grab that will be attached to Albania along with parts of Macedonia, Greece, southern Serbia, and Montenegro — all places that the Albanians moved on to terrorize, without skipping a beat after we helped them terrorize the Serbs.

Even though she was lied to by the Albanian side, and even though she heard the stories about how the KLA were assassinating Serb police and government officials, this reporter held to the program: the bad guys were the Serbs. Did she ever do that story about war propaganda? Perhaps if she had, we wouldn’t be looking at the very near possibility that we will once again be siding with al Qaeda against the Serbs this year so as to wash our hands of Kosovo.

There’s been a recent break in the investigation of what led the shooter in Salt Lake City to kill.

(KSL News) Federal agents have traced the handgun used by Trolley Square shooter Sulejman Talovic to its original owner and are now trying to figure out how it ended up with Talovic.

The Deseret Morning News also reports police are questioning witnesses again about what they saw or heard during the shootings.

So after a break in the case, the Feds have determined that they need to go back and re-interview people from the scene about what they saw or heard during the shooting.

But what relevance do sounds at the scene of the crime have to a traced gun? How does the origin of the gun connect to “What did you see and hear at the scene?” Unless it has something to do with those recorded shouts of “Allahu Akbar” on a witness’s cell phone camera, which weren’t conclusive. And so the previously dismissed testimony of eyewitnesses who confirmed the inconclusive recording is now needed. For some reason. That we aren’t being told. But which has to do with the break in the investigation.

Meanwhile, one of the only two papers covering developments in Utah and Bosnia since Talovic’s shooting spree last month, the Deseret Morning News, interviewed Bosnia’s “most influential religious leader” Nezim Halilovic in his offices at the Islamic Center in Sarajevo last Monday. And he lies. A lot. The paper describes Halilovic as

a distinguished-looking man of middle age, who was wearing a dark suit and a tie with a clip. His gray hair was offset by a short, dark beard. On his desk were a small, decoratively carved wooden chest; a jar of honey; a cup holding many pens; a tiny replica of a mosque; and several copies of the Quran…

Besides directing the society, every Friday Halilovic teaches at the King Fahd mosque in Sarajevo, which he notes is the largest mosque in the Balkans. It was built through donations of King Fahd, the late ruler of Saudi Arabia. [Emphasis added.] …[He] does not believe the Trolley Square shooter was motivated by his Muslim religion.

“I think that here, in this case, it wasn’t a religious motive, because Islam doesn’t embrace terrorism or violence. It’s something Islam just doesn’t preach.”

However, Muslims are allowed to fight for self-protection under prescribed rules, according to the imam.

Of course, this comes from a former commandant of the 4th Muslim Brigade, that is Bosnian mujahedeen:


(”Victory or Death”)

Interestingly, Halilovic’s name came up in an AP report last year, titled “Terrorists Recruiting White Muslims“:

Terrorists have been working to recruit non-Arab sympathizers — so-called “white Muslims” with Western features who theoretically could more easily blend into European cities and execute attacks — according to classified intelligence documents obtained by The Associated Press.

Among the Islamic leaders Bosnian authorities are monitoring closely is Nezim Halilovic, chief mufti of the King Fahd Cultural Center…Its imam has repeatedly has [sic] been accused of using his sermons to preach violence in Afghanistan, Chechnya, Israel, Iraq and Kashmir.”

So as usual, terrorism is “self-protection.” But here’s one you don’t hear every day: Apparently, the West’s open immigration policies are a form of “ethnic cleansing,” as Halilovic explained to Deseret News:

He said that when Western countries encourage Muslims from Bosnia to leave their country and work in the West as poorly paid workers, they help the vicious practice of ethnic cleansing.

So, many Bosnian Muslims have gone to other countries, Halilovic said, and after a few decades, they will not have any connection with their country of birth. “They’ll just be French, German or some other group.

“The possibility is that they will have children, and those children will be taught that way,” he said. “In that way, the whole world is helping in the ethnic cleansing of Bosnia.”

Could we please, please make this argument our own — and adopt it as a strategy to curb immigration: “We MUST stop immigration, as it is a form of ethnic cleansing of the immigrants’ countries of origin. Immigration is a war crime!”

But back to the lying:

We want a multinational and multicultural Bosnia and Herzegovina (the country’s formal name), a place that every citizen will have all the rights he deserves. And because of that, we share this country and law…The world should do everything to help Bosnia and to delete Republika Srpska, because it was formed on a genocide.

Actually, the Serbian entity of Bosnia-Herzegovina was formed by a civil war started by Islamic separatists in Bosnia wanting a Muslim state in Europe and led by fundamentalist president Alija Izetbegovic. They didn’t succeed, and that’s why Bosnia is divided. Halilovic actually mentions the fundamentalist president Izetbegovic whom the U.S. allied itself with but who was about to be indicted by the Hague for war crimes when he died. Let’s see in what context:

He recalled a comment by a former president of Bosnia, the resistance hero Alija Izetbegovic, that a divided Bosnia “looks like a man that just suffered a hard car accident, and he’s in the hospital covered up with bandages.”

Then the Deseret News shines a small but, as always, de-contextualized spotlight on the self-inflicted and U.S.-abetted conundrum of Bosnia and the Balkans in general:

King Fahd Mosque has attracted a number of what the press terms Wahhabi, a name its members generally dislike. They are adherents of a strict interpretation of Islam. Immediately in front of the huge mosque, some of its members have erected a small market. Members of the group walked about the vicinity, men with long beards and trousers shorter than most Bosnian men’s, women wearing black burqas.

Some Muslims interviewed were wary of the Wahhabi, saying they were attempting to win moderate people to their beliefs.

Halilovic said it’s important to protect the integrity of the Bosnian Islamic community from the Wahhabi.

“But still, the Islamic community and the government cannot forbid these people to practice Islam in their own way, just the same way that here the law says you can dress like you want.”

Halilovic is talking out of all 72 sides of his mouth, as there isn’t much of a conflict for him per se. From MuslimEuro.blogspot:

His name is Nezim Halilović but Bosnian Muslims affectionately call him “Muderris”. He went to the locally well-known Islamic Madrassah of Gazi Husrev-Beg, in Sarajevo and later studied arabic at the famous al-Azhar University.

He became the Imam of a Masjid in central Bosnia when he returned from his studies and when the war in Bosnia broke out in the 90’s he participated in the Jihad and became a commander in the 4th Muslim brigade…Today he is the Khatib in the biggest Masjid in the entire Balkans, which is located in Sarajevo.

He is active in the struggle to call the Muslims of Bosnia to the Sunnah and to generally serve the Muslim community.

It must be hard to appear worried about Wahhabist intolerance while running a mosque founded by the country where Wahhabism originated. From a recent article titled “Bosnian Muslims Divided over Inroads of Wahhabism“:

The senior imam of the mosque, a concrete behemoth the size of a shopping mall, denies believers are radical Muslims.

“In this mosque there are … no extremists,” said Nezim Halilovic, who avoided the term Wahhabi.

Wahhabism was brought to Bosnia by fighters who came to support the outgunned Muslims during the 1992-95 war and missionaries who arrived later.

But [Wahhabism’s] self-proclaimed Bosnian-based leader Abu Hamza, who represents foreign former Islamic fighters who married Bosnian women and stayed in the country, is not apologizing for his religion. Hamza said in October that Islamic practice in Bosnia was “communist” and urged Muslims to return to “genuine Islam.”

When “moderate” Bosnian Muslim leaders publicly but mildly admonished Hamza for his comments, analysts posited that “Islamic leaders avoid the issue so as not to fan long-time accusations by Serb and Croat nationalists of a terrorist threat from radical Muslims in Bosnia. They also do not want to alienate generous donor Saudi Arabia.”

Halilovic’s name also comes up in a 2005 article titled “Muslim Beheading Videos from Chechnya, Afghanistan sold in Bosnian Capital.” Here is a partial text of a report from the Bosnian paper Dani, via BBC Monitoring International Reports:

The conversation took place recently in Sarajevo, in front of the Begova dzamija (mosque). There A.S. has a makeshift stand….Along with digital copies of the Koran, spiritual music and videos of Alija Izetbegovic’s dzenaza (funeral service), he offers the biggest hits and compilations from recent battlefields worldwide. Compilations of horror. Afghanistan Palestine: The Slaughter of Children, Chechnya — only parts five and six, actually, as the first four sold long ago.

“I am interested in Chechnya. Which part do you recommend?”

“Part six. It shows everything. I have not watched all of it, I have not had the time, but I can attest that it is great. The particularly good part is the one where they kill a captured Russian soldier. You can see everything.”

They, of course, are Chechen independence fighters…whoever is interested (and sales suggest there are not few) can watch bearded guys in uniforms pray in their camps before going into action, a white civilian van hit by a shell fly into the air and, of course, a captured Russian soldier being beheaded to the sound of the present party praying tekbir (Islamic prayer).

Indeed, things that Nezim Halilovic Muderris, head of the Vakuf Fund and the chief imam of the mosque, talks about during his hutba (Friday sermon), although they sound funny, have a distinctly ominous tone when viewed from that lens: “In Fallujah, according to statements from the US command, Spirits have appeared in the form of enormous spiders, weighing about a kilogram, that only attack US soldiers, and the person who is bitten dies within seconds.”

At the moment we tried to get an explanation from Muderris, he was busy preparing for a hajj and did not want to comment on the horrifying videos that were freely sold.

And here’s some coverage of a sermon given by Halilovic at the King Fahd mosque, from a 2004 report via BBC Monitoring service:

Muderris recalled the events of the previous week, mentioning a “shehid” (martyr) operation in Jerusalem, when eight Israelis were killed and 60 injured. He also spoke about “the innocent civilians being killed in Palestine” and the Israelis continuing to build the “Security Wall”, “which confirms the Israeli occupation of Palestine”. Muderris prayed to Allah “to help our bothers in the smaller entity of Bosnia-Hercegovina (Serb Republic), Palestine, Kashmir, Chechnya, Iraq and any other place where Muslims are attacked by enemies of Allah’s faith…”

With moderates like this to lead the “non-practicing” Bosnians, who needs radicals?

Given that Sulejman Talovic’s weapons of choice were guns, we’re again seeing some finger-pointing at guns over this. But remember: Guns don’t kill people. Mosques do.

(Or, to be fair, guns and mosques kill people.)

Well it looks like Utah shooter and “non-religious” Bosnian Muslim Sulejman Talovic is in the ground after his funeral this weekend in Tuzla, Bosnia, where he was interred with Islamic burial rites.

Slavojub Josipovic, of the American Bosnian and Herzegovenian Association, not a Muslim himself but married to a Muslim, reminds us that Bosnian Muslims are secular and “don’t practice too much.”

More than three hundred people, mostly strangers, attended this funeral fit for a hero:

One wonders why strangers showed up to pay their respects at the funeral of a murderer. But all present forgave the mass murderer:

Before the casket was taken to the cemetery, lead imam Sulejman Sulejmanovic asked all the gathered women if they would ‘’halaliti’’ (forgive) all of Sulejman’s sins before he departed to another world. By tradition, the question was repeated three times, and the women forgave Sulejman.

By Muslim custom, the casket was moved from hand to hand by the men all the way to the grave, where it was placed headfirst by the closest family member, in this case, Suljo Talovic. Only men were allowed to witness the burial.

After the prayers led by three imams, the question: “Are we going to forgive?’’ was repeated three more times.
“He is forgiven!” said the men gathered.

Sulejmanovic “said the victims of the Trolley Square shootings should know that ‘we Bosnians are not maniacs, that we are normal and mellow people.’”

Our media have been scrambling to underscore the same point. The image we were supposed to have of “Bosnians” was the long-cultivated non-Muslim Muslims (“non-religious”; “secular”; “non-practicing”; “Europeanized”; “non-observant” Muslims). Now the explanation before us is that “Bosnian Muslims” are simply the non-terrorist type of Muslim. Let the record show: In the language of the media that had us take up the Bosnian jihad, “non-observant Muslim” = “non-terrorist Muslim.” Ergo, observant Muslim = terrorist Muslim. In other words, Talovic died practicing his faith.

Tuzla is a place where wahhabis are causing daily incidents at mosques and schools as part of the radicalization program that Bosnia’s war for independence invited, and the authorities are reluctant to do much about it. It’s also where, as Belgrade’s Tanjug news agency reported, “Serbs Again Flee Bosnian Federation due to Discrimination”:

The Association for the Return of Displaced Persons to the Tuzla Kanton (canton) has warned once again that the position of somewhat 7,000 Serb returnees in 13 cantonal municipalities is unbearable, due to the deprivation of their rights and discriminatory attitude of the Bosniak and cantonal authorities towards them…Bosniaks have committed ethnic cleansing against local Serbs [of] whom there used to be 82,000 in this region before the war, the Association underlined.

At Saturday’s funeral, the killer’s father, Suljo Talovic, “said he would not make excuses for his son, but did not understand how a teenager could buy a gun in the United States.”:

“The authorities are guilty for not alerting us that he bought a gun. In the U.S., you cannot buy cigarettes if you are underaged, but you can buy a gun,” he said.

Of course, if Suljo had alerted authorities that his teenage son had taken a recent interest in mosque attendance, then they would have known when he was buying a gun. The father’s transparent gun-control spin is the same route that Brooklyn-based Albanian arms smuggler Florin Krasniqi took when he realized he could get in trouble for what he revealed in the 2005 Dutch documentary “The Brooklyn Connection,” which showed him illegally shipping legally purchased hunting and assault rifles ($15 million-worth) to help arm the Kosovo Liberation Army against NATO. With the goal of deflecting from his activities, Krasniqi went on “60 Minutes” expressing his altruistic concern over how easy it is to acquire weapons in the U.S.

But notice how quickly these immigrants learn — already blaming America for their American-killing children — because we showed them how it’s done.

For a whole week there hasn’t been a peep from investigators since they scolded Americans (particularly “right-wing websites and Fox News”) for hearing something that sounded like “Allah Akbar” on a recording. Though police refuse to reveal what it was that Talovic did yell, it’s possible that by now they’ve found evidence that the massacre was a jihadist act after all — with or without Allah invoked — and so we won’t be hearing any more about the progress of the investigation. (As we learned from the D.C. sniper case, massacre or serial killer stories don’t have legs unless they’re not committed by Muslims. So perhaps from now on, the only kind of headline we should see is “Non-Muslim Killer Strikes” — since it’s news only when the perp isn’t Muslim.)

Why the official reticence about the terrorist nature of this act? Because investigators and officials are worried about a possible backlash by Americans against the Bosnian community.

They must be worried about card stores and florists being emptied out and a major diversion of charitable contributions going to the Bosnian community, since so far the American reaction has been to shower the shooter’s family and Utah’s Bosnian community with flowers, donations and neighborly support in general. From the New York Times:

The family could not be reached by telephone, and no one answered the door at their bungalow. On the front porch, someone had left a gift-wrapped potted flower. Wedged into the door jamb was a sealed envelope with one hand-written and underlined word: “Sorry.” Inside it, visible through the address window, were $20 bills.

Indeed, this backlash of sympathy could cause a disaster, leaving not enough sympathy cards, flowers, chocolates or donations for the forgotten non-killer victims, and non-killer immigrant communities in general. It’s possible that fights broke out among Utahns over who would get the privilege of buying the best oak casket for Talovic and cover the cost of the family’s flight to Bosnia for the funeral. This is no joke. The local “Bosna” restaurant had one tackle box for donations to Talovic’s nine victims, and a second tackle box for the Talovic family’s funeral and burial expenses. Yes, Americans financed the family’s trip to Bosnia for the killer’s burial. More, from the Salt Lake Tribune:

Utah State student Jake Freeman, a junior studying industrial psychology, opened the CITTLOC (Charity is the True Love of Christ) Fund at Wells Fargo Bank with Talovic family members as the beneficiaries, which Wells Fargo confirmed.

“They [the Talovics] just needed to get some support,” Freeman said.

The shooter’s aunt, Ajka Omerovic, said there was about $6,000 in the account, which would be used to help ship Sulejman’s body back to Bosnia for burial.

Perhaps the law enforcement concern is that other young Bosnians — seeing this backlash and getting assurances that just because they kill us, it’s not a sign that we hate them — might be tempted to go out and kill a few Americans themselves — which would have the negative effect of Americans emptying out even more card stores, florists and bank accounts.

I know we’re a sick society, but isn’t this the first time that we’re collecting donations for a killer’s family? Islam sure does have a way of bringing out the best in people. Then again, this is Utah we’re talking about — a socially isolated population of extremely good people, who invite strangers into their homes, thereby getting their daughters kidnapped for nine months, because they think everyone is as good as they are. In short, their goodness makes them even more naïve than the average American.

Any casual observer would think the primary victims in this incident are the killer and his family, who are getting the lion’s share of attention and sympathy. Who even remembers that anyone but the killer was killed? One of the only displays of concern for the non-killer victims could be heard on Salt Lake City’s local KSL News. That concern by Robin Snyder of the Salt Lake City Police Department on behalf of the victims was that rumors about the killer aren’t accurate: “Snyder adds the victims are the ones hurt most by speculation and rumor, at a time when they’re trying to sort through their grief.”

The other high-profile “victim” and recipient of sympathetic outpouring, the Bosnian community at large, has been assured by the mayor and police department that they won’t allow any harm to come to it. So far, that harm has come in the form of verbal accosting in six incidents reported to the Utah Consortium of Minority Groups, “mostly about how they got into the country…or whether they intended to commit violence.” It’s good that our vigilant officials take such cases seriously as potential hate crimes, while dismissing Talovic’s actions as nothing of the sort.

Perish the thought that, rather than a co-victim, the community from which the killer sprang potentially could have served as an accomplice. Talovic’s father said on the radio that he suspects “somebody” got to his son. From the Pipeline blog:

That “somebody” could easily be any one or more of the several thousand Bosnian Muslim refugees who settled in the Salt Lake City area and who like Talovic’s father gained military training and jihad experience during the Bosnian war.

Dave Gaubatz, a former federal agent in the Air Force Office of Special Investigations, asks,

Has the FBI told the people of Utah that Arabic websites have continuous chatter from Al-Qaeda supporters living in Salt Lake City, Utah? I know because I monitor these sites. Are there Bosnian Muslims with anti-U.S. views? Do you doubt it?

In “trying to grasp what led a son to kill,” as a New York Times headline read, no one is looking at whether the father was also a killer. There was a reason that Suljo Talovic initially took to the mountains with the rest of the men from his village and later stayed in Srebrenica long after his family was evacuated. That reason is that he was a fighter, and one thing that Srebrenica fighters did was raid nearby Serb villages, killing any civilians in sight and sometimes stuffing the bodies down wells.

The reason that no one will look into the possibly violent family history and ask if and how many people the elder Talovic has killed is that those killed would have been Serbs, which aren’t considered “people” per se. Perhaps if we started considering Serbs “people,” then we could begin extrapolating their experiences to ours, and be better prepared for future Talovics.

Meanwhile, Utah’s Bosnian community wasn’t too distracted with the massacre by one of its own to express outrage over the exoneration of Serbia by the UN court on charges of genocide in Srebrenica. Bosnians in nearby St. Louis — perhaps the largest concentration of Bosnians outside Europe with 35 to 40 thousand Bosniaks including 4,000-5,000 from Srebrenica — also condemned Serbia’s acquittal. Let’s hope this indignation doesn’t translate into another massacre for us.

Utah Killer’s Equal?

I had to do a double take when I read these opening paragraphs in Saturday’s Salt Lake Tribune:

Holocaust survivor mesmerizes students

He was just a little older than his audience when the Nazis starved him and showed him such unspeakable brutality. He’s still talking about it now.

The reaction at Fort Herriman Middle School last week was to stand and cheer his courage. Days after a teenager went on a shooting rampage in Salt Lake City, students at Jordan School District middle schools were mesmerized by David Faber, a Holocaust survivor who weighed 72 pounds when he was freed from a concentration camp at 18. He was the same age as Sulejman Talovic, the Trolley Square shooter.

What was that? Come again? Where did that line come from? What is it doing there? What is its meaning? It appears that the Salt Lake Tribune has made it official: A Muslim killer is no worse than a Jewish survivor. Said differently: a Jewish survivor is as bad as a Muslim killer. Said another way: A Jew who wasn’t killed is as bad as a Muslim who has killed.

The author doesn’t even make a bland comparison of this victim of an atrocity to the victims of the killer. No, she compares a Jew who survived death to a Muslim who caused it. She is equating a villain with a victim, with someone who actually witnessed the Holocaust and didn’t go about killing people later as a result, to someone who left an enclave — which was not a labor or death camp — before any killing of its inhabitants took place. And this is a villain who is guilty of the kind of genocidal behavior and religious persecution that the other person was a victim of.

But the dumbness doesn’t stop there. She also bases the comparison on age similarities, but there isn’t enough even for that. She compares the survivor’s age at rescue to the killer’s age at killing, which gives the whole thing even less sense, if possible, since Talovic left Srebrenica in 1993 when he was four.

Newspaper reporters are pretty clueless in general, but the smaller the pond, the dumber they (and apparently their editors) are. And here’s how dumb this one — a Julia Lyon — is: I emailed her a note asking her to clarify the sentence, and giving her a perfectly good “out” she could have seized on, upon realizing the nonsense she’d inserted. This was my note:

Dear Ms. Lyon,
I enjoyed reading your piece about the speech at the school by the Holocaust survivor. There was just one part where the point you were trying to make flew over my head. [Cited paragraph]. I’m just trying to understand the intention of the last sentence, which points out that this Holocaust survivor was the same age as Sulejman Talovic. Are you saying, “Look–this guy has seen genocide but wasn’t traumatized into killing sprees,” or are you just saying that both young men had seen horrors? Thanks so much. J. Gorin

Sure enough she wrote, “I was just trying to point out that they’d both seen/been connected with horror.”

This is even dumber than that Newsweek cover a few years ago profiling a Palestinian teenager who detonated herself in a supermarket — alongside one of her victims, a teenage Israeli. The magazine compared their looks (similar) and their ages (one year apart) and discussed how both girls are the young victims of the Middle East conflict.

And we wonder how it is that Muslims are able to trick themselves and the world into believing that the more they kill, the more persecuted they feel. Our media gave them the idea!

If being killed is as morally reprehensible as killing, if killing is as excusable as surviving being killed, maybe there really is something to the notion that Muslims are being persecuted just like the Jews of Nazi Germany, as Dr Mohammad Naseem, chairman of Birmingham Central Mosque, recently said.

Muslims are the new Jews,” read the headline of an October article in the London Times Online:

[Former Foreign Secretary Jack Straw] said the veil was a “visible statement of separation and of difference”, and that he asks women who visit his surgery to remove it. And nuns? Does he demand to see their hair, too? It’s open season on Islam — Muslims are the new Jews…Especially since July 7, it has become acceptable to say the most ignorant, degrading things about Islam. And then we all sit around wondering why young Muslim men appear to be getting angrier and more politicised, or why “westernised” young Muslim women whose mothers go bare-headed are suddenly, defiantly, opting for the full-on niqab-style veil that leaves only a slit for the eyes.

As one comment poster responded, “Ms Knight suggests that it’s fashionable to find criticism with muslims. I’d say it is far more fashionable for certain muslims to claim it.”

If Muslims are the new Jews, then I’d like to be a new Jew too, and start killing with impunity. Of course, if Muslims are the new Jews, can they hurry up and self-detonate already?

Meanwhile, can we make up our minds? Are they the new Jews, or the new black man? Are Muslims the new black Jews?

Reuters recently reported this disturbing but predictable persecution of an American minority: Across the country, over the past 15 months,

US authorities have arrested 26 Bosnian Serbs….The suspects had allegedly concealed their service in the Bosnian Serb military when they applied for refugee status. They were…and were charged with visa fraud, perjury or making false statements, the [Washington Post] said.

It said the arrests were part of an intensified effort by Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials to root out unacknowledged members of the Bosnian Serb military using data supplied by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, located in The Hague.

“Only a few of those arrested here are accused by the Justice Department of directly taking part in the Srebrenica killings, but all allegedly were in units that did,” the Post said.

Previous immigration roundups led to the arrests of 24 Bosnian Serbs in Phoenix and Salt Lake City, Utah, in September 2005 and June 2006.

Julie Myers, assistant secretary of homeland security for ICE, told the Post in a statement that her office “will not allow the United States to be a safe haven for those who failed to disclose their service in military forces that were known to commit atrocities.”

Hmmmm! Now that makes a lot of sense: The U.S. will NOT be a safe haven for those who failed to disclose their service in military forces that were known to commit atrocities. So has anyone checked the visa application of Sulejman Talovic’s father? You know — Sulejman — the guy who just gunned down nine Americans in our heartland? The guy whose father separated from his family in Bosnia to “hide in the hills with the other men”? Which means he was a fighter in the Bosnian-Muslim army that committed unspeakable atrocities against Serbian and Croatian civilians.

Can somene please remind me — because I keep forgetting the exact count: how many Americans have Serbs killed? I can’t seem to recall if it’s zero, or slightly less than that? Can someone help me out?

So it seems that the U.S. will NOT serve as a haven for those who fail to disclose their military service — unless those people and/or their spawn also kill Americans. Then it’s OK. Good thing they’re cleaning the Bosnian Serbs out of Salt Lake City, and leaving about 10,000 Bosnian Muslims.

A group called the Serbian Bar Association of America issued a statement indicating that many more Serbs will be facing immigration-related deportation charges on similar grounds and that, “by way of example, one woman was arrested for omitting ‘military service’ due to her position as a cook for local military personnel.”

Hey, Sulejman Talovic may have been a jihadi terrorist, but at least he wasn’t a Serbian cook!

Also disturbing is the fact that, no matter of ethnicity, all refugees from Bosnia were conscriptive soldiers during the war, yet only Serbs are being singled out in what appears to be a discriminatory purge of Serbian refugees.

…In almost all instances, U.S. Department of Homeland Security agents made early morning raids of individual homes and made arrests at gunpoint frightening innocent women and children, where communication and notice to individuals would have sufficed.

Meanwhile, government officials are holding lunches with Bosnian Muslims, assuring them that, just because they’re shooting at us, it doesn’t mean that we mean them any harm. More from the Serbian Bar:

While the U.S. Governmental agencies purport the premise for these arrests was to capture those in this country “known to commit atrocities”, no such charges are leveled against any of these individuals. Moreover, no indictment carries war crimes charges yet these individuals are being treated like terroists.

(They’re forgetting: Serb=Atrocity.)

It is of grave concern that the U.S. government is targeting Serbian refugees from the former Yugoslavia while other ethnic groups from the same region with ties to terrorist organizations are not being investigated. “These poor people fled the wrath and oppression of a fascist mujahadeen and relied upon the counsel of US appointed immigration officials in order to seek refuge and legal entry into the United States. Unfortunately, they again find themselves inappropriately targeted by authorities simply because of their ethnic background,” says Metropolitan Christopher, the senior Serbian Orthodox Bishop in North America.

As I’ve pointed out before, when governments or media worry about being accused of “selectively targeting a particular ethnic group (meaning Middle Easterners),” they know they can always make up for it by also targeting Serbs.

Maybe if they bothered to check everyone’s background as thoroughly as they check the Serbs’, then the Salt Lake City attack could have been prevented.